TWO EARLY
ARABIC SOURCES
ON THE
MAGNETIC
COMPASS
In this paper two
previously unpublished texts on the magnetic compass from the medieval Islamic
world will be discussed, the first by the Yemeni Sultan al-Ashraf
(ca. 1290) and the second by the Cairene astronomer Ibn Simʿūn
(ca. 1300). These two treatises constitute the earliest known evidence
attesting the use of the magnetic compass for the determination of the qibla,
the sacred direction of Islam. A brief introduction glimpses at the history of
the magnetic compass in Europe and
1. Survey
of the history of the magnetic compass
The Yemeni astronomer-prince al-Ashraf (ca. 1290)
and (apparently) also a Cairene astronomer called Ibn Simʿūn (ca.
1300)[1] both wrote treatises on the magnetic compass. These two previously unpublished texts will
be presented in this paper, prefaced by a brief survey of the knowledge on and use of the
magnetic compass in the European and Islamic Middle Ages in order to put these
new sources in the context of previous knowledge on the subject.
Although
the magnet and its attractive property were known in Antiquity, there is no
mention of its directive potential in the sources.[2] In the late nineteenth [82] and early twentieth century the
so-called “south-pointing chariot” was understood as an early indication of the
use of the magnetic compass in China, but it seems to have been a mechanical
device to maintain a specific direction, for the earliest reference to the
magnetic compass in China dates from the eleventh century.[3] The first known written reference
to a magnetic compass in the Occident dates
back to the year 1187, when Alexander Neckam reported the use of a
magnetic compass for the region of the
[84] Of concern for us here is a part of the area between
Further references to the magnetic
compass in the Islamic world during the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance
can be found in Taqī al-Dīn al-Maqrīzī’s al-Mawāʿiẓ
wa-ʾl-iʿtibār fī dhikr al-khiṭaṭ wa-ʾl-athār,
a topography of Fusṭāṭ and Cairo and history of Alexandria and
Egypt in general [86] written about 800H (1400);[15] in Ibn Abī ʾl-Khayr
al-Ḥusnī’s al-Nujūm al-shāriqāt,
a technical “cookery-book” on the production of colors and inks, the process of
soldering, the handling of iron, etc., probably written in the second half of
the sixteenth century;[16] and in treatises on navigation by
Ibn Mājid from the second half of the fifteenth century[17] and by Sulaymān al-Mahrī
from the first half of the sixteenth century.[18] Particularly important in this
context is the treatise Zahr al-basātīn fī ʿilm
al-mashātīn written by the Egyptian Muḥammad ibn Abī
Bakr al-Zarkhūrī about 802H (1399–1400),[19] where two different kinds of magnetic
compass are described. One instrument is a “fish” made of willow wood or
pumpkin, into which a magnetic needle is inserted and which afterwards is
sealed with tar or wax to prevent the penetration of water; this device swims
on water. Instead of the fish a disk with the image of a miḥrāb
or prayer-niche
can be fixed on the magnetic needle.[20] The other instrument
is a dry compass. The upper side of a disc of paper is decorated with the
figure of a miḥrāb; two magnetized needles are fixed on the
bottom and in the middle a thing like a funnel. This funnel rotates on an axis
which is pivoted in the middle of a box sealed with a plate of glass to prevent
the disc of paper from dropping.[21]
[87] Several kinds of Islamic
instruments featuring a magnetic compass were unknown to Eilhard Wiedemann and
should be mentioned here. The ṣandūq
al-yawāqīt made by ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Ibn
al-Shāṭir, an astronomical “compendium” or multifunctional device
seems to be the earliest Islamic instrument fitted with a dry magnetic compass.
Only one device made by Ibn al-Shāṭir himself in 767H (1366)
survives.[22] Further instruments fitted with a
magnetic compass to orient them in the cardinal directions are the dāʾirāt
al-muʿaddal, “equatorial” (semi-)circles. Devised in
[88] Against this background we now
introduce two new textual sources on the magnetic compass; for each the Arabic
text with a translation will be presented, followed by a commentary.
2. Al-Ashraf’s treatise
Al-Ashraf ʿUmar ibn
Yūsuf was the third Rasulid sultan of the
[89] Three complete manuscripts of
al-Ashraf’s treatise on the magnetic compass
are known, as well as a manuscript containing merely a part of the
chapter on the magnetic compass.
The most significant manuscript is
preserved in the Egyptian National Library (Dār al-Kutub al-Miṣrīya)
in
Another manuscript preserved in the library of
the Majlis al-Umma al-Īrānī (No. 150) in
[90] In a
manuscript in
The basis of the following Arabic
text and the translation is C. It is written in a clear and clean naskhī
hand. Moreover it is the earliest and most complete copy and is without
noticeable mistakes in content. Hamzas and diacritical points missing in the
original have been silently added in my edition. Occasional differences between
T1, T2 and B are noted in the critical apparatus. The punctuation of the translation follows
the English usage. Additions facilitating understanding, but without
equivalents in the texts, are in parentheses.
Uncommon Arabic terms are likewise given in parentheses. These are also
included in the glossary.
2.1.
Arabic text
ÐßÑ ÑÓÇáÉ ÇáØÇÓÉ Ýí 1 ãÚÑÝÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ 1 2 .
ÈÓã Çááå ÇáÑÍãä ÇáÑÍíãv 3 . ÇáÍãÏ ááå 4 ÇáÑÍíã
ÇáÑÍãä 4 v 5 ¡ ÇáæÇåÈ 6
ÇáãäÇäv 7 ¡ æÕáæÇÊå 8 Úáì
äÈíå ÇáÐí ÃäÒá Úáíå ÇáÞÑÂäv 9 ¡ æÚáì Ãåáå 10
ÃÝÖá ÇáÕáÇÉ 11 æÇáÛÝÑÇä 12 . æÈÚÏ:
ÝåÐå ÑÓÇáÉ Ýí ÃæÖÍ ÇáÈíÇäv 13 Ýí ãÚÑÝÉ ÇáÚãá ÈÇáÅÈÑÉ
æÇäÍÑÇÝ ÇáÞÈáÉ áßá ãßÇäv .
æÈÇááå ÃÓÊÚíä (144r) æÃÊæßáv 14 æÚáíå ÃÚÊãÏ ÝíãÇ[91] ÛÑÈ
æÃÔßá . æÃæá 15 ãÇ ÊÈÊÏí Èå ãä ÇáÚãá 15
Ãäß ÊÚãá ØÇÓÉ ãä ÝÖ Ãæ äÍÇÓ ãÊæÓØÉ ÇáÞÏÑ
ÚÑíÖÉ ÇáÔÝÉ ÕÍíÍÉ ÈÍíË ÊãÔí ÇáãÓØÑÉ Úáì ÔÝÊåÇ ãÕØÍÈÉ Úáì ÇáÇÓÊæÇÁ ßÍÌÑÉ
ÇáÃÕØÑáÇÈ . Ëã Êãáà ÇáØÇÓÉ ÞÇÑÇð Ãæ ÔãÚÇð íÐÇÈ 16 æíÕÈ
ÝíåÇ ÍÊì ÊãÊáí æíÕíÑ ãÚ ãÓÍÉ ÇáÔÝÉ ÓæÇÁ . Ëã ÊÃÎÐ ÕÝíÍÉ ãä äÍÇÓ æÊæÖÚ Ýí
æÓØ ÇáØÇÓÉ ÊäÒá 17 Ýí ÇáÞÇÑ Ãæ Ýí ÇáÔãÚ æíßæä ÇáãÑßÒ ÝíåÇ ÈÚÏ
ÊÎØ Ýí æÓØ ÇáØÇÓÉ 17 Åáì ÔÝÊåÇ ÇáÃÎÑì ÈÇáãÓØÑÉ ÎØÇð
ãÓÊØíáÇð ¡ æåæ ÎØ ÇáÔãÇá æÇáÌäæÈ ¡ æÎØÇð ÂÎÑ ÈÇáÚÑÖ ãÓÊØíáÇð ãä ÔÝÉ
ÇáØÇÓÉ Åáì ÇáÔÝÉ ÇáãÞÇÈáÉ áÃæá ÇáÎØ ¡ æíÓãì ÎØ ÇáãÔÑÞ æÇáãÛÑÈ .
ÝÍíäÆÐ íÊÞÇØÚ ÇáÎØÇä Ýí æÓØ ÇáÕÝíÍÉ ÓæÇÁ Ýíßæä ãÑßÒ ÇáÈíßÇÒ Ýí æÓØ
ÇáÊÞÇØÚ ¡ æÊÞÓã ÚÑÖ ÇáÔÝÉ ÃÑÈÚÉ ÃÞÓÇã ¡ ÝÊÏíÑ Úáì ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí íáí ÔÝÉ
ÈÇØä ÇáØÇÓÉ ÏÇÆÑÉ ¡ Ëã ÊÚÝí ÞÓãíä ãä ÈÚÏåÇ æÊÏíÑå Úáì ÇáÞÓã ÇáÑÇÈÚ ããÇ íáí
ÔÝÉ ÙÇåÑ ÇáØÇÓÉ ÏÇÆÑÉ ¡ Ëã ÊÞÓã ÇáÏÇÆÑÉ ¡ æÊÓãì ÏÇÆÑÉ ÇáÏÑÌ ¡
ÇáÊí Êáí ÈÇØä ÇáØÇÓÉ ËáËãÇÆÉ æÓÊíä ÞÓãÇð ÃÌÒÇÁð ãÊÓÇæíÉ ¡ æíÓãì ßá ÞÓã
ãäåÇ ÏÑÌÉ . æÊÞÓã ÇáÏÇÆÑÊíä ÇáãÚÞÈÊíä 18 ÇááÊíä 19
ÈÚÏ åÐå ÇáÏÇÆÑÉ ¡ æåí ÏÇÆÑÉ ÃÚÏÇÏ ÇáÃÎãÇÓ ¡ ÇËäíä æÓÈÚíä ÞÓãÇð ¡
ßá ÞÓã ãäåÇ ÎãÓ ÏÑÌ ¡ æÊßÊÈ Ýíå ÇáÃÚÏÇÏ ÇáãÝÑÏÉ ¡ æíÃÊí ÐßÑåÇ Ýí ãËÇá
ÏÇÆÑÉ ÔÝÉ ÇáØÇÓÉ Åä ÔÇÁ Çááå ÊÚÇáì . Ëã ÊÞÓã ÏÇÆÑÉ ÇáÑÈÚ ÇáÊí ÎáÝ åÐå
ÇáÏÇÆÑÉ ããÇ Êáí ÔÝÉ ÙÇåÑ ÇáØÇÓÉ ÃÑÈÚÉ ÃÞÓÇã ãÊÓÇæíÉ ¡ æÊßÊÈ Úáì ßá ÞÓã
ãäåÇ (144v) ÔãÇá 20 ÌäæÈ 21 ãÔÑÞ 22
ãÛÑÈ 23 æÞÏ ßãáÊ .
[92]ÝÅÐÇ 24 ÃÑÏÊ ãÚÑÝÉ ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ ÈÃÞÑÈ 25
ÊÞÑíÈ æÈÃåæä Úãá 25 ÝÇãáà ÇáØÇÓÉ ãÇÁð æÖÚåÇ 26
Ýí ãßÇä ãÓÊæ ãä ÇáÃÑÖ ãä ÛíÑ ÇäÎÝÇÖ æáÇ ÇÑÊÝÇÚ Èá íßæä ãÕØÍÈÇð ãÕæäÇð Úä ÇáåæÇÁ
áÆáÇ 27 ÊÖØÑÈ ÇáÅÈÑÉ 26 . Ëã ÊÃÎÐ 28
ÅÈÑÉ ãä ÇáÈæáÇÐ 29 æÊÍß 30 ÑÃÓåÇ ÈÍÌÑ ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ
ÍßÇð ÌíÏÇð ¡ æÃÌæÏå ÇáÃÓæÏ 31 æÇáÈÕÇÕ ÝÅäå ãä
ÇáÎæÇÕ . Ëã 32 ÊÃÎÐ 32 ÓãÇÑÉ ¡ æåí
ÞÔÉ ãä ÇáÍÔíÔ Ãæ ãä ÔÌÑ ÇáÍÕ Ãæ ãä 33 ÇáÊÈä 34 ¡
æåæ ÃÌæÏåÇ ¡ æíßæä ØæáåÇ ÈÞÏÑ Øæá ÇáÅÈÑÉ ¡ Ëã ÊäÒá ÝíÜ [Üå] ÇáÅÈÑÉ Ýí äÕÝ Øæá ÇáÓãÇÑÉ æÊÎÑÌåÇ
ÍÊì ÊÈáÛ ÇáÓãÇÑÉ Åáì äÕÝ ÇáÅÈÑÉ æÊÕíÑ åí æÇáÅÈÑÉ ßÇáÕáíÈ ¡ åßÐÇ 35 -|- 36 . æÊæÖÚ 37 ÍíäÆÐ 38
ÇáÅÈÑÉ Ýí ÇáãÇÁ ¡ ÝÚäÏ Ðáß ÊÏæÑ 39 ÇáÅÈÑÉ Åáì Ãä ÊÞÝ 40
Úáì ÎØ æÓØ 41 ÇáäåÇÑ ÊÞÑíÈÇð ¡ ÝÊÇÑÉ íßæä ÑÃÓåÇ ÇáÍÇÏ ÇáÐí
ÍßßÊå Úáì ÇáÍÌÑ ãÞÇÈáÇ áÎØ ÇáÔãÇá æÊÇÑÉ íßæä ãÞÇÈáÇ áÎØ ÇáÌäæÈ æãæÖÚ ãÏÎá ÇáÎíØ
ÇáÐí áã ÊÍß ãÞÇÈáÇ ááÔãÇá ¡ æáíÓ Úáì Ðáß ãÚæá ßíÝ
[ ßÐÇ ] ÞÇÈá ÑÃÓåÇ ÎØ ÇáÔãÇá
Ãæ ÌåÉ ÇáÌäæÈ ¡ ÅÐ ßÇä áÇ íÊÛíÑ ÃÍÏ ÑÃÓíåÇ 42 Úä
ØáÈÉ 43 ÇáÔãÇá Ãæ ÇáÌäæÈ ¡ æÈÃí ÇáÌåÉ 44
ßÇä ÊÚÑÝ ÈæÞæÝåÇ ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ ÈÇáÊÞÑíÈ Úáì Øæá ÇáÅÈÑÉ . ÝÅÐÇ ÚÑÝÊ ÎØ äÕÝ
ÇáäåÇÑ ÇáÐí åæ ãä 45 äÞØÉ 46 ÇáÔãÇá Åáì 46
äÞØÉ ÇáÌäæÈ ¡ æÇÚÑÝ ÍíäÆÐ 47 [ Ãä ] ÑÃÓí ÇáÓãÇÑÉ
ÃÍÏåãÇ Åáì ÇáãÔÑÞ æÇáÂÎÑ Åáì ÇáãÛÑÈ 48 . ÝÅä ãÇáÊ ÇáÅÈÑÉ
Úä æÓØ ÇáØÇÓÉ Åáì ÃÍÏ ÌæÇäÈåÇ ÝÍÑßåÇ ÈÔíÁ áØíÝ 49 ÈíÏß Ãæ ÞÑÈ
ÅáíåÇ ÍÌÑ ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ ÍÊì íÍÇÐí ÑÃÓåÇ äÞØÉ ÇáÔãÇá æÊÕíÑ Ýí æÓØ ÇáØÇÓÉ .
æÇáÚãÏÉ 50 Ýí ãÚÑÝÉ
ÓãÊ ÇáÞÈáÉ ÅÞÚÇÏ ÇáÅÈÑÉ (145r) ÝæÞ ÍÞíÞÉ ãÑßÒ[93] ÇáØÇÓÉ ÈÍíË Êßæä äÞØÉ
ÊÞÇØÚ ÇáÅÈÑÉ ãÚ ÇáÓãÇÑÉ ãÓÇãÊÇð áãÑßÒ ÇáØÇÓÉ æáÇ Êãíá Úä ãÑßÒåÇ æáæ ÈÞÏÑ ÐÑÉ
ÝíÍÕá ÇáÎáá Úä ÌåÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ ÈÞÏÑ Ðáß Çáãíá ¡ Èá Êßæä äÞØÉ ÊÞÇØÚ ÇáÅÈÑÉ
æÇáÓãÇÑÉ ¡ æåí ÇáÞÔÉ ¡ ÝæÞ ÇáãÇÁ ãÚ ÇÓÊæÇÁ ãÑßÒ ÇáØÇÓÉ ãä ÛíÑ
ÒíÛ ¡ ÝÍíäÆÐ íßæä ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ ÞÈÇáÉ ÑÃÓ ÇáÅÈÑÉ . æíÊæÎì Ãä áæ ÃÞíã
ÎØ ãÓÊÞíã íãÑ ãä ÑÃÓ ÇáÅÈÑÉ Åáì Ãä íãÑ ÈÞÓã ãä ÇáÃÞÓÇã ÇáãÞÓæãÉ ÈÔÝÉ ÇáØÇÓÉ
ÝÐáß ÇáÞÓã ÇáãÞÇÈá áÑÃÓ ÇáÅÈÑÉ åæ ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ ÈÇáÊÞÑíÈ ¡ æåæ äÞØÉ
ÇáÔãÇá . ÝÊäÞÕ ãä ÇáäÞØÉ ÇáÔãÇáí ]ßÐÇ[
Åáì 51 ÌåÉ ÇáãÔÑÞ ÈÞÏÑ ãÇ ÃæÌÈå ÇáÇäÍÑÇÝ
ááÞÈáÉ ãä ÇáÌÏæá ÇáÚÔÑíäí . æÅä ÇÓÊÞÇãÊ ÇáÅÈÑÉ Ýí æÓØ ÇáØÇÓÉ æßÇä ÑÃÓåÇ
Åáì ÌåÉ ãä ÇáÌåÇÊ ÇáäßÈ 52 æáã Êßä ãÞÇÈáÉ áäÞØÉ ÇáÔãÇá ÝÃÏÑ
ÇáØÇÓÉ 53 ÍÊì íÍÇÐí ÑÃÓ ÇáÅÈÑÉ áäÞØÉ ÇáÔãÇá ÇáÊí Ýí æÓØ
ÇáØÇÓÉ ¡ ÝÅÐÇ ÍÇÐÊ ÝÍíäÆÐ ÊÕÍ ÇáÌåÇÊ ÇáÃÑÈÚ ÈÃÞÑÈ ÊÞÑíÈ ßãÇ ÐßÑäÇå .
æåÐå 54 ÇáÂáÉ áíÓÊ ÈãÝÊÞÑÉ 54 Åáì ÑÄíÉ ÔãÓ Ãæ
ßæßÈ Èá ÛäíÉ ÈÐÇÊåÇ ¡ æÊÙåÑ 55 ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ æÇáÌåÇÊ ßáåÇ Ýí
ÕÍæ Ãæ Ûíã Èáíá Ãæ äåÇÑ . ÝÅÐÇ ÚÑÝ ÈåÇ ÎØ ÇáÔãÇá æÃÑÏÊ [ Ãä ]
ÊÚÑÝ ÍíäÆÐ ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÇáÞÈáÉ áßá ÈáÏ Úáì ÞÏÑ ãæÖÚ ÇáÇäÍÑÇÝ ãä ÇáÌÏæá ÇáÚÔÑíäí
áÅÎÑÇÌ ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÇáÞÈá 56 ¡ ÝÅÐÇ 57 ÃÑÏÊ
ãÚÑÝÉ ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÇáÞÈáÉ 57 ¡ ÝÚÏ ãä ÔÝÉ ÇáØÇÓÉ ãä ÞÈÇáÉ ÑÃÓ
ÇáÅÈÑÉ ÇáÐí åæ äÞØÉ ÇáÔãÇá Åáì ÌåÉ ÇáãÔÑÞ ßÒ ¡ æÐáß ÓÈÚÉ ]ßÐÇ[ æÚÔÑæä ÏÑÌÉ ¡ ÝÇáÏÑÌÉ 49 ÇáÓÇÈÚÉ ÇáÚÔÑæä åí
ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÞÈáÉ æÓØ Çáíãä ÈÚÏä æÊÚÒ æÒÈíÏ 58 ¡ æÎØ ÍíäÆÐ ÎØÇð
Ýí ÇáÃÑÖ ãæÇÒíÇð áäÞØÉ ÇáÔãÇá æÎØÇð ãä ÇáãÑßÒ Åáì ÇáÏÑÌÉ ÇáÓÇÈÚÉ æÇáÚÔÑíä ÇáÊí
åí ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÞÈáÉ æÓØ Çáíãä[94] ÝÕá ÅáíåÇ ¡ áÃä ãÊì ÚÑÝ ÎØ ÇáÔãÜÇá ÊÑíÏ [ Ãä ]
ÊÚÑÝ ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÇáÞÈáÉ (145v) áßá ÈáÏ ãä
ÇáÃÞÇáíã Úáì ÞÏÑ ãæÖÚ ÇáÇäÍÑÇÝ æãÇ ÊÎÕå ãä ÇáÏÑÌ ÇáãÍíØÉ 59
ÈÏÇÆÑ ÔÝÉ ÇáØÇÓÉ ÌãíÚåÇ . æåÐå ÕæÑÉ ÇáÏÇÆÑÉ ÇáÊí ÊÚãá Úáì 60
ÔÝÉ 61 ÇáØÇÓÉ æÃÚÏÇÏåÇ ÇáãÝÑÏÉ ãä ÛíÑ ÊÑßíÈ æÕæÑÉ ÇáÅÈÑÉ Ýí
æÓØåÇv 61 :
The diagram with the inscription
follows. There are three circles; the outer circle is divided into four parts
marked: al-janūb (above), al-maghrib (right), al-shimāl 62 (below), al-mashriq (left), qiblat
Taʿizz63 (from
north to west near 20°),
qiblat ʿAdan64 (from north to east near 20°). The middle circle is divided into 72
equal parts marked for every five degrees. The innermost circle is divided into 360 parts marked for every
degree with a short stroke.
In the
center are two lines from south to north and from east to west marked: wuqūf al-samāra fī ʾl-ṭāsa65 muqābila
khaṭṭ al-mashriq wa-ʾl-maghrib (by the east-west line), wuqūf
al-ibra fī ʾl-ṭāsa muqābila khaṭṭ niṣf
al-nahār (by the north-south line).
æÊÑÊíÈ 66 åÐå ÇáßÊÇÈÉ 66
Ãäß ÊßÊÈ Ýí Ãæá ÞÓã ÚäÏ ÎØ ÇáÔãÇá ããÇ íáí Çáíãíä 5 67 ¡
æÐáß ÎãÓÉ ¡ æÝí ÇáÞÓã ÇáËÇäí í 68 ¡ æÐáß ÚÔÑÉ ¡
Ëã ÈÇÞí ÇáÃÞÓÇã Úáì åÐå ÇáÕæÑÉ ¡ (146r) ÞÓã ÃÍÇÏ æÞÓã
ÃÚÔÇÑ ¡ ÍÊì íßæä ÂÎÑ ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí ÚäÏ ÎØ 69 ÇáãÔÑÞ Õ .
Ëã ÊßÊÈ Ýí ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí íáíÜå ãä äÇÍíÉ ÇáÌäæÈ Õ ÃÎÑì ¡ ÍÊì íßÜæä
ÎØ ÇáãÔÑÞ Èíä ÕÇÏíä . Ëã ÈÚÏ ÇáÕÇÏ 5 ¡ æÊÓÊãÑ Åáì ÂÎÑ ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí ÚäÏ
ÎØ ÇáÌäæÈ ¡ æåæ 5 . Ëã ÊßÊÈ Ýí ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí íáíå 5 æÊÓÊãÑ
Åáì ÂÎÑ ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí íáíå ÎØ ÇáãÛÑÈ ¡ æåæ Õ . æÊßÊÈ Ýí ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí íáíå
Õ ÃÎÑì ¡ ÍÊì íßæä ÎØ ÇáãÛÑÈ Èíä ÕÇÏíä ¡ æÊÓÊãÑ Åáì ÂÎÑ ÎØ
ÇáÞÓã ÇáÐí ÚäÏ ÎØ æÓØ ÇáÓãÜÇÁ ¡ æåæ 5 70 ¡ æÞÏ ßãá
ÇáÌãíÚ 71 .
[95]æÅáì 72 åÇåäÇ 72
ÇäÊåí ÇáßáÇã Ýí Úãá ÑÓÇáÊí ÇáÃÕØÑáÇÈ 73 æÇáÊÑÌåÇÑ 74v ¡
æÇáÑÎÇãÉv ¡ æÑÓÇáÉ ÇáØÇÓÉ Ýí ãÚÑÝÉ
ÇáÞÈáÉ ÈÍÓÈ ÇáÇÌÊåÇÏ æÇáÈÍË ãÚ ÇáÝÖáÇÁ ãä ÃÑÈÇÈ åÐå ÇáÕäÇÚÉ æãÝÇæÖÊåã æãÔÇåÏÉ
ãÇ ÕæÑæå ÈÚÏ ÇáãÝÇæÖÉ ÍÊì ÔÇÑßäÇåã ÝíãÇ ÞÏ 75 ÍÕá
ÚäÏäÇ ãä ÇáÝÇÆÏÉ . ÝæÖÚäÇ ÍíäÆÐ ãÇ ÞÏ æÖÚäÇå ãä ÇáÃÚãÇá Ýí ßÊÇÈäÇ
åÐÇv 76 . Ýãä æÞÝ Úáíå ÝáíÈÓØ
ÚÐÑäÇ 77 áÏíå 77 v ¡ ÝäÍä ãÔÇÑßæä áÇ ãÏÚæäv 78 ¡ æãÌÊåÏæä áÇ ãäÇÙÑæäv 79 . æäÓÃá Çááå ÊÚÇáì
ÇáÅÚÇäÉ æÇáÒíÇÏÉv 80 ¡ æÇáÅáåÇã Åáì ÈáæÛ
ÇáÅÑÇÏÉ 81v ¡
Èãäå æØæáåv ¡ æÞæÊå 82 æÍæáåv ¡ æåæ
ÍÓÈí æßÝìv .
ÊãÊ
ÇáÑÓÇÆá 83.
æÇáÍãÏ ááå æÍÏå ¡ æÕáæÇÊå Úáì
ÑÓæáå 84 ÓíÏäÇ ãÍãÏ ÇáäÈí æÂáå 85æÓáÇãå 86 .
Notes on al-Ashraf’s Text
1-1 illegible in T2
2 v
follows in T1
3
missing from T2
4
ÇáÑÍãä ÇáÑÍíã in
T1
5
missing from T2
6
ÇáãäÚã follows in T1, T2
7
missing from T1,
T2
8
ÕáæÊå in T1, T2
9
missing from T2
10
Âáå in T1, T2
11
ÇáÕáæÉ in T2 [96]
12
ÇáÞÑÂä in T1, T2
13
missing from T1,
T2
14
missing from T2
15–15
æÃæá - ÇáÚãá illegible in T2
16
ãÐÇÈ in T1, T2
17–17
ÊäÒá - æÓØ ÇáØÇÓÉ missing in T1,
T2
18
repeated in T1,
T2
19
ÇááÐíä in C, ÇáÐí in T1,
T2
20
v
follows in T1, T2
21
v
follows in T1, T2
22
v
follows in T1, T2
23
v
follows in T1, T2
24
B begins, entitled Úãá ÇáØÇÓÉ áãÚÑÝÉ ÅÎÑÇÌ ÇáÞÈáÉ
æÇáÌåÇÊ .
25–25
ÈÇÞÑÈ - Úãá missing in B
26–26
æÖÚåÇ - ÇáÅÈÑÉ missing in B
27
ÇáíáÇ T1, T2 (not
punctuated)
28
marginal note in C; æÎÐ in B
29
ÈæáÇÏ in T1, T2, B
30
æÍß in B
31
ÇáÃÓÏ in B
32
illegible in T2
33
missing from B
34
ÇáÊíä in T1, T2
35
missing from B
36
illegible in T2
37
Ëã ÊÖÚ in B
38
missing from B
39
ÊÏíÑ in B
40
ÊÞíÝ (not punctuated) in T2 [97]
41
äÕÝ in B
42
ÓíãÇ follows in T1
43
ØáÈ in B
44
팃 in B
45
Ýí in B
46–46
äÞØÉ - Åáì
missing in B
47
äÎ (not punctuated) in B
48
B ends.
49–49
áØíÝ - ÝÇáÏÑÌÉ missing in the
copy of T1 at the author’s disposal
50
illegible in T2
51
crossed out, then repeated in C
52
ÇáËáË in T2
53
æßÇä ÑÃÓåÇ Çáì ÌåÉ ãä ÇáÌåÇÊ ÇáËáË follows in T2 (cf.
previous sentence)
54–54
æåÐå - ÈãÝÊÞÑÉ illegible in T2
55
ÊÙåÑ in T2
56
ÞÈáÉ in T2
57–57
ÝÅÐÇ - ÇáÞÈáÉ illegible in T2
58
ÒÈíá (not punctuated in) T2
59
ÇáãÍíØ in T1, T2
60
below the line T2
61
missing from T2
62
áÚÏä near it T1, T2
63
mark not inscribed T1, T2
64
ÊÚÒ in T1, T2
65
ØÇÓ in T2
66–66
æÊÑÊíÈ - ÇáßÊÇÈÉ illegible
in T2
67
illegible in T2
68
illegible in T2 [98]
69
missing from T1, T2
70
illegible in T2
71
v follows in T1
72–72
illegible in T2
73
v follows in T1,
T2
74
marginal note in C
75
missing from T1, T2
76
missing from T2
77
ÚÏÑäÇ áÈÑíÉ in T1; illegible in T2
78
missing from T1, T2
79
missing from T1, T2
80
missing from T2
81
ÇáÇÒÇÏÉ in T1
82
ÈæÊå (first
letter not punctuated) in T1
83
colophon follows in T2 (illegible in the copy
of T2 at my disposal)
84
ÞæíÇÊ æÕÍÍÊ ÈÍÓÈ
ÇáØÇÞÉ æÇáÅÌÊåÇÏ over the line in T1
85
æÕÍÉ follows in T1
86
ÊÍÑíÑå Ýí ÓÈÚ ÔåÑ Ðæ
ÇáÞÚÏÉ ÓäÉ follows
in T1
2.2.
Translation
On the Use of the Compass Bowl (ṭāsa)[43] for the Determination of the Qibla.[44] In the name
of God, the Merciful and Compassionate, praise be to God, the Compassionate and
Merciful,[45] the Giver and
Benefactor. May His [99] blessings be upon His Prophet to whom He revealed the Koran, and His most
excellent salvation and forgiveness upon his family.
This is a
treatise presented in the clearest possible terms on the knowledge of the use
of the needle (ibra)[46] and the
direction (inḥirāf) of the qibla for all localities. I seek
help from God [144r] and place my trust in him. I rely on Him in that which is
obscure and difficult. You begin by making a bowl of silver or brass of medium
size and with a broad rim, level (ṣaḥīḥa) so that
(the tip of) the ruler moves on its rim evenly, like the rim (ḥujra)[47] of the
astrolabe. Then you fill the bowl with tar or wax,[48] which is
melted and poured into the bowl until it is full and (the liquid) is evenly
level with the rim (maʿa masḥat al-shafa sawāʾ).
Then you take a plate of brass and put it in the middle of the bowl, so that it
sinks into the tar or the wax. The center will be on it. Then you draw with the
ruler a straight line across the middle of the bowl to the other rim—which is
the north‑south line—and another perpendicular straight line from the rim
of the bowl to the (point on the) rim opposite the beginning point of the line—which
is called the east-west line. At this point the two lines will intersect each
other exactly in the middle of the plate. The center of the compass will be at
the point of intersection. You divide the breadth of the rim into four parts
and describe a circle on the part [100] next to the
inner rim of the bowl. Then you obliterate two parts of its distance. You
describe a circle on the fourth part next to the outer rim of the bowl, and
then you divide the circle—which is called the degree scale (lit. circle of
degrees)—which is next to the inner rim of the bowl into three hundred and
sixty equal parts, each of which is called a degree. You divide the next two
circles which follow this circle— namely, the circle of the five (degree)
arguments (dāʾirat al-aʿdād al-akhmās)—into
seventy-two parts, each part of which consists of five degrees, and you write
the individual numbers on it. This will be mentioned in the diagram (mithāl)
of the circle on the rim of the bowl, God Almighty willing. Then you divide the
(so‑called) circle of the quadrant outside this circle and next to the
outer rim of the bowl into four equal parts
and write [144v] north, south, east, and west, respectively, on
each of its parts, whereupon (the bowl) is finished.
If[49] you wish to
determine the meridian (lit. line of midday, khaṭṭ niṣf
al-nahār) as nearly and as easily as possible, then fill the bowl with
water and place it in a level spot on the
ground which slopes neither upwards nor downwards but which is even and
well protected against the wind, lest the needle be disturbed. Then you take a
steel needle and rub its head well with a magnetic stone. The best (species) is
the black and bright[50] (variety), which
has especially sympathetic qualities (fa-innahu min
al-khawāṣṣ).[51] Then you take
a (slender) rush-like stem,[52] be it a stalk
of grass, or saffron,[53] or straw, the
(last mentioned) being best. Its length should be the same as the length of the
needle. You insert the needle into the rush-like stem at half length and push
it through until the stem reaches the middle of the needle. (The rush-like
stem) and the needle will then form a cross, thus: –|– . Now the needle is
placed on the water, and it rotates until it stops approximately [101]
on
the meridian (khaṭṭ wasaṭ al-nahār). Sometimes
the sharp head (of the needle), which you have rubbed on the stone, faces
north, and sometimes it faces south, whereas the place for inserting the
thread, which you did not rub, faces north. There is no way to predict which
will occur. But whether its head faces north or south, for one of the needle's
two heads will always be attracted to the north or to the south,[54] and whatever
direction it points to, you will know from how it stops that the meridian,
approximately, is parallel to the length of the needle. When you have
ascertained the meridian, which is from the north point to the south point, you
will know (that) one of the two heads of the rush-like stem points east and the
other west.[55] If the needle
moves away from the middle of the bowl to one of its sides, push it a little
bit with your hand or bring the magnetic stone close to it, until its head is
opposite the north point and it is back in the middle of the bowl.
The essential
thing in determining the direction of the qibla is to place the needle [145r]
exactly over the center of the bowl in such a way that the intersection of the
needle with the rush-like stem is directly above the center of the bowl and
does not deviate from it, not even a little. Otherwise there might result an
error in the direction of the qibla equivalent to this deviation (mayl). The intersection of the needle and
the rush-like stem—that is, the stalk—on the water should be precisely
over the center of the bowl without any divergence (zaygh). Then the
meridian will be facing the head of the needle. Let us imagine that a straight
line is drawn from the head of the needle so that it passes through one of the
divisions on the rim of the bowl. This division opposite the head of the needle
will then represent approximately the deviation of the meridian, which is the
north point. From the north point, you subtract towards the east (the amount)
necessary for the deviation of the qibla in the 20´20 table (al-jadwal
al-ʿishrīnī). If the needle rests in the middle of the bowl
and its head is pointing in one of the intermediate non-cardinal directions (al-jihāt
al-n-k-b) and is not facing the north point, then [102]
turn
the bowl until the head of the needle that is in the middle of the bowl is
opposite the north point. If it is opposite it, then the four (cardinal)
directions are right according to the best
approximation, as we have shown. This instrument does not require
sighting the sun or the stars, but is adequate in itself, showing the meridian
and all directions under a cloudless or a clouded sky, and by night and day. If
you have determined the north line with it, and you next wish to determine the
qibla for every locality according to the values found in the 20´20 table for
establishing the qibla, and you want to determine the qibla, then you count 27
on the rim of the bowl from (the point) opposite the head of the needle—which
is the north point—eastward, that is to say, twenty-seven degrees. The
twenty-seventh degree is the qibla for the middle of the
(The diagram
with the inscription follows [see fig. 1 at the end]. There are three circles;
the outermost is divided into four parts marked: “south” [up], “west” [right], “north”
[down], “east” [left], “qibla of Taʿizz” [20 degrees west of north], “qibla
of Aden” [20 degrees east of north]. The middle circle is divided into 72 equal
parts lettered every five degrees. The innermost circle is divided into 360
parts, each degree marked with a short stroke. In the center are two lines from
south to north and from east to west marked: “where the rush-like stem comes to
rest in the bowl in line with [lit., opposite] the east-west line” and “where
the needle comes to rest in the bowl in line with [lit., opposite] the
meridian.”)
The order (tartīb)
of these notations is that you write 5 (hāʾ), that is, (the
number) five, in the first division to the right of the north line, 10 (yāʾ),
that is, (the number) ten, in the second division, and likewise with the
remaining divisions, in the same manner, [146r] in units and tens respectively,
such that the number of the last division, which is at the east line, is 90 (ṣād).
Then you write another 90 (ṣād) in the division which follows
it on the south side, so that the east line lies between the two 90’s (ṣādayn).
Then after the 90 you write 5, and you continue to the last division, which is
next to the south [103] line, where
the number is 5. Then you write 5 in the division which is next to it, and you
continue to the last division, which is next to the west line, where the number
is 90. You write another 90 on the division which is next to it, so that the
west line lies between the two 90’s, and you continue to the last line of the
section, which is at the line of the mid-heaven (khaṭṭ wasaṭ
al-samāʾ), where (the number) is 5. All (the markings) are now
complete.
Here ends the
text of the two treatises on the astrolabe, the water‑clock and the sundial, and the treatise on the magnetic
compass concerning the determination of the qibla. We have accomplished
our task to the best of our ability and after investigating the matter with the
leading scholars in this field, from discussions with them and looking at the
images they have drawn after the discussion, until we came to share with them
the beneficial knowledge we had attained. (Only) then did we write down the
operations we have recorded in this book of ours. Whoever studies it, let him
not judge us too harshly. We are (only) one of those who have participated (in
the search for knowledge) and not one of those who claim (to know much). We
belong to those who have endeavored (to come from something known to something
new), not to the speculative debaters. We ask God Almighty for assistance,
increase (in knowledge)[56] and
inspiration to reach our desire through His benevolence, His might, His
strength and His power. He is all I need and sufficient. Herewith the treatises
are concluded.
Praise be to
God, to Him alone, and may His blessings and His favor be upon His messenger,
our Lord Muḥammad the Prophet, and upon his family.
2.3. Commentary
The manuscript
begins with the customary eulogy,[57] followed by a
short summary of the subject and several
paragraphs on the construction of the bowl (ṭāsa), the
determination of the meridian (khaṭṭ niṣf al-nahār)
and a main section on the determination of the qibla. It ends with a reference
to investigations “with the leading scholars in this field” and further praise
of God.
[104]
The
description “a broad rim level (ṣaḥīḥa) so that
(the tip of) the ruler moves on its rim evenly, like the rim (ḥujra)
of the astrolabe” is not to be taken to mean that the compass bowl is fitted
with a device like an alidade for taking magnetic bearings.[58] The text
seems to introduce the ruler only in order to explain that the rim should be
absolutely flat. But there are also technical problems: the cross of the needle
(ibra) and the rush-like stem cannot support an alidade in the middle of
the bowl,[59] and there is
no reference to an axle or guide rails to stabilize an alidade. Further, there
is no hint of an alidade in the detailed figure in the manuscript. Surely the
flat and carefully divided rim suggests an alidade, but why is it not mentioned
in the text, since al-Ashraf describes every detail so carefully?
In an analogy
to al-Ashraf’s mention of the use of tar or wax, al-Bīrūnī, in
his treatise on the construction of the astrolabe, describes a brass ring to be
used as a mold for construction purposes. This ring is filled with tar or wax
so that the plate laid on it is on an equal level with the rim of the ring.[60]
Al-Ashraf uses steel needles magnetized by rubbing with a magnetic stone. These
needles keep their magnetic property longer than iron needles of the same size.
While Gerland argues against the use of steel needles, Wiedemann is convinced
that steel needles actually were in use and refers to experiments of his own on
the magnetic behavior of steel nails.[61]
[105] Explanations of the magnetic properties
of the needle follow.[62] Al-Ashraf does not seem to know whether
the end rubbed with the magnetic stone or the other one turns north, but he
knows that each “head” retains its “attraction” (ṭilba, taliba) or
“desire” to turn north or south.[63] In his
comments on manuscript B, Wiedemann here understands that al-Ashraf refers to
the fact that the head of the needle which is not rubbed has also changed its
behavior.[64]
In the
following part, on the determination of the qibla with the compass bowl, al-Ashraf first treats the determination of the north point. But
there are some obscurities in the manuscript which raise questions about
al-Ashraf’s knowledge of the magnetic declination, that is, the deviation of
magnetic north from geographical north. But how is magnetic declination to
be determined? Provided the variation is
sufficient,[65] a comparison between the [106]
astronomical
cardinal point observed and the direction marked by the magnetic needle will
give a deviation.[66] But this
observation does not have to lead to the assumption that the magnetic meridian
differs from the astronomical one. The problem could be explained by the inaccuracy
of the observations and the deficiency of the magnetic compass used.[67] In his text
on the determination of the north point
al-Ashraf always adds bi-taqrīb or taqrīban,
that is, “approximately,” which can reflect magnetic variation or the
insufficiency of the compass bowl or the observer’s incompetence.[68] More
important—and more questionable—is the sentence: “This division (on the rim of
the bowl) opposite the head of the needle will then represent approximately the
deviation (inḥirāf) of the meridian (khaṭṭ niṣf
al-nahār), which is the north point.” It could refer to the magnetic
variation, but not necessarily, and it could also be a terminus technicus.
In the figure there are marks at 20 degrees east and west of the north point,
which are probably not the qibla values mentioned in the text;[69] but on the
other hand the cross of [107] needle and rush-like stem is aligned in
the cardinal directions. Further, there are no hints at a corrected north point
in the manuscript. The most likely conclusion would seem to be that al-Ashraf
did not know of magnetic variation, even if he had an idea that the magnetic
needle does not point to the north point every time. The expression inḥirāf
khaṭṭ niṣf al-nahār remains unexplained.
Before turning
to the “the essential thing in determining the direction of the qibla,” one
remarkable term has to be discussed. Speaking of the case in which the needle
is not directed to the north point, al-Ashraf uses al-jihāt al-n-k-b,
where the verb nakaba can mean “to turn aside.” Further it has the same
root as nakbāʾ, meaning “a wind that blows obliquely, taking a
direction between (the directions of) two (cardinal) winds.”[70] At first
sight it seems to make sense to equate the four cardinal directions with our
four cardinal winds.[71] However, they do not correspond to them in the Islamic world,[72] and in
addition the Arabs used another form of the compass card.[73]
Al-Ashraf states that qibla values
should be taken from the table called al-jadwal al-ʿishrīnī.
This qibla table contains 20´20 or 400 entries
for each degree of latitude
and longitude difference from Mecca from 1 degree to 20 degrees, hence the name
jadwal ʿishrīnī (ʿishrīn = 20).
There are two further references to 20´20 tables in medieval Arabic treatises, one in some miscellaneous notes on spherical astronomy, copied in Cairo
about 1200, and another in Ibn Simʿūn’s treatise,[74]
which is our second source. But it is difficult [108]
to
identify the qibla table they deal with. Possibly they refer to an Abbasid qibla table, which also
contains 20´20 entries and is preserved in nine
manuscripts, three of them of Yemeni provenance.[75]
Al-Ashraf gives the qibla for the middle of the
locality |
L |
ϕ |
|
67;0/60;0 |
21;0 |
|
65;30 |
13;0 |
Taʿizz |
66;30 |
13;43 |
Zabīd |
62;0 |
14;0 |
These coordinates
together with several methods and tables enable us to recompute
al-Ashraf’s qibla values.[78] The first of the
following tables gives the values according to al-Ashraf’s treatise on the
magnetic
compass. The quadrant of the deviation is given because the
|
Aden |
Taʿizz |
Zabīd |
text |
27 NE |
27
NE |
27
NE |
figure[79] |
20 NE |
20
NW |
— |
[109]
The
second table gives the calculated values of the qibla according to the correct
modern formula[80] and according to
two approximate methods. The first of the approximations uses recomputed values
based on a standard approximate method, and the second uses the Abbasid qibla
table mentioned above:[81]
|
LM |
Aden |
Taʿizz |
Zabīd |
L=63;30 ϕ=14;30 |
calculation |
60;0 |
32;33
NW |
39;30
NW |
14;57
NW |
— |
|
67;0 |
09;57 NE |
03;41 NE |
33;33 NE |
— |
approximation |
60;0 |
34;29
NW |
41;45
NW |
15;59
NW |
— |
(first method) |
67;0 |
10;37
NE |
03;56 NE |
35;34 NE |
— |
approximation |
60;0 |
32;44
NW |
39;55
NW |
14;57
NW |
26;54 NW |
(second method) |
67;0 |
09;55 NE |
03;40 NE |
33;45 NE |
— |
The values of the deviation taken from
the figure correspond neither with the values given in the manuscript nor with any
of the calculated values. Nor can approximative methods explain the value of 27
degrees east of north given by al-Ashraf. But one explanation is possible.
Earlier in al-Ashraf’s text, in his treatise on the sundial, which precedes the
treatise on the magnetic compass,[82]
the author also gives a qibla for the
In the final
paragraph of our text the scope of the entire work is mentioned: the two
treatises on the astrolabe, the water-clock and the sundial and the treatise on
the magnetic compass concerning the determination of the qibla. This makes it
clear that the treatise on the magnetic compass is part of the main
astronomical work.
Al-Ashraf
concludes with the remark that he had put forth his best efforts in writing the
treatise and had consulted “the leading scholars in this field.” It is
difficult to imagine that he did not also consult an earlier treatise on the
magnetic compass.
To
sum up, while the earliest known sources on the magnetic compass in the Islamic world describe its use at sea, in al-Ashraf’s
treatise on the construction of astronomical instruments, written at the end of
the thirteenth century, the
compass has an entirely different function. We can not [111]
only determine
the meridian under any weather conditions and at any hour of day or night, but we can also use it as a basis for
the determination of the qibla. Furthermore, al-Ashraf’s treatise
constitutes on the one hand the first reference
to the magnetic compass in an astronomical work[85] and on the other the first full description of its
construction in the Arabic sources known to us.
3. Ibn Simʿūn’s
treatise
A treatise on
time‑keeping written about 1300 by an Egyptian astronomer and muezzin
called Ibn Simʿūn contains a chapter on the magnetic qibla indicator
which is our second source. It is based mainly on the work of Abū ʿAlī
al-Marrākushī, who compiled a
compendium of spherical astronomy and astronomical instruments, which is
perhaps the most valuable single source for the history of Islamic astronomical
instrumentation,[86] as well as on the Muṣṭalaḥ
zīj, the most popular zīj—as medieval Islamic astronomical
handbooks are called—in medieval
The Arabic
text given here is provided with hamzas and diacritical points. On the
punctuation and use of parentheses, see above.
3.1. Arabic text
ÇáÝÕá Ýí Úãá ÂáÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ
áÃí ÈáÏ ÔÆÊ ÈæÇÓØÉ ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ æÕÝÉ ÇáßÚÈÉ æÐßÑ ÌÏæá íÔÊãá Úáì ÇäÍÑÇÝ ÞÈá ÌãáÉ ãä
ÇáÈáÏÇä æÌåÉ ÇáÑÈÚ ÇáÐí Ýíå[112] ÇáÞÈáÉ ãä Ãí ÃÑÈÇÚ ÇáÃÝÞ
ÇÚáã Ãä ÇáÚãá ÈÇáãÛäÇØíÓ áã
äÌÏå áÃÍÏ ãä ãÊÞÏãí åÐå ÇáÕäÇÚÉ ¡ æÇÔÊåÑ ÚäÏ ÌãÇÚÉ ãä ÇáãÊÃÎÑíä ¡
ÓíãÇ Ýí ÒãÇääÇ åÐÇ . æáã íÐßÑå ÇáãÑÇßÔí Ýí ãÈÇÏÆå æÛÇíÇÊå æåæ ãä ãáÍ åÐÇ
ÇáÚáã áÇ ãä ãÊíäå ¡ æÇáÇÚÊãÇÏ Úáíå ÎØÑ áÌæÇÒ ÓáÈ ÎÇÕíÊå æáÓÑÚÉ ÊÛíÑ ÇáÊÑíÓ
ÇáÐí íÏæÑ Úáíå ÂáÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ áßËÑÉ ÊæÞÝå .
æáã íÎÊáÝæÇ Ýí Ãä áÇ íÊæÞÝ
ÈÍÞ ãä ÒÌÇÌ Ýáã íÞÏ ¡ æãä ÝÖÉ ÝßÐáß æãä ÈáæÑ ÞÇäÆ ¡ ÅáÇ Ãä íÓÊäßÑ
æíÞÝ . æáÐáß Ãåãáå ÇáÃæáæä ááÚáÊíä ÇáãÐßæÑÊíä . æáäÕÝ Úãá ÂáÊå
æÇÓÊÎÑÇÌ ÇáÞÈáÉ ÈåÇ Úáì ÑÃí ÇáãÊÃÎÑíä ÇáÞÇÆáíä ÈÇáãáÍ æäÞæá ¡ æÈÇááå ÇáÊæÝíÞ ÕÝÉ Úãá ÂáÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ Ãä ÊÚãá ÔßáÇð ãÏæÑÇð ãä æÑÞ ãÊãÇÓß Ãæ ÞÑÚ
æäÍæåãÇ . ÊÞÓã ãÍíØåÇ ÈÔÓ ÏÑÌÉ æÊÎØ ãÇ ÊÎÊÇÑå ãä ãÍÇÑíÈ ÇáÈáÏÇä ÈÍÓÈ ãÇ
íÞÊÖíå ÇäÍÑÇÝå ãÊãíÒÇð ÈßÊÇÈÉ ÊÏá Úáíå . æÞÏ ÊÌÚá Ýí ÈÚÖåÇ ÈÓíØÉ áÚÑÖ
ãÎÕæÕ ÈÔÎÕ áØíÝ áÇÆÞ ÈåÐå ÇáÂáÉ ÈÍÓÈ ßÈÑåÇ æÕÛÑåÇ . æÊæÖÚ Ýí ÌäÈåÇ ÞØÚÉ
ãÛäÇØíÓ ¡ ÅãÇ Úáì ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ Ãæ ãäÍÑÝÇ Úäå ÅáÜì ÇáÌåÉ ÇáÊí ÃÑÏÊ ÅáíÜå
ÇáÊÍÑãÉ ÈÞÏÑ ÇäÍÑÇÝ Ðáß ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ Úä ÇáÎØ ¡ æíæÖÚ Ýí ÙåÑåÇ ÅÈÑÊíä ]ßÐÇ[ áÒäÊåÇ ¡ æÞÏ íÌÚá Ýí æÓØ ÇáÂáÉ Ôßá ÇáßÚÈÉ ÇáãÚÙãÉ . æÊÌÚá
åÐå ÇáÂáÉ Úáì Ôßá ÊÑíÓ ãä ÒÌÇÌ Ãæ äÍÇÓ Ãæ ÛíÑåãÇ ¡ æßáãÇ ßÇä ÏæÑÇä ÇáÂáÉ
ÈÓáÇÓÉ ãä ÛíÑ ÚÓÑ ßÇä ÃæÝÞ . æíÌÚá Ðáß Úáì ÅÈÑÉ ãÛÑæÒÉ Ýí ÍÞ ãä ÃÈäæÓ Ãæ
äÍÇÓ Ãæ[113] ÛíÑåãÇ ÈÍÓÈ ãÇ ÊÎÊÇÑ ãØÇáÈåÇ . æíÌÚá Úáì
Ýã ÇáÍÞ ÌÇã ãä ÒÌÇÌ ÇáãÑÇíÇ íÑì ãäå æÞæÝ ÇáãÍÑÇÈ ÇáãÑÓæã ÇáãØáæÈ ÍÇá ÊÍÑíßåÇ Ýí
ÌåÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ . ßáãÇ Þá æÒä ÇáÌÇäÈ ãä ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ ãÚ ßËÑÉ æÒä ÇáãÍÑÇÈ ßÇä Ðáß
ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ ãÞÏãÇð Úáì ÛíÑå ãä ÃÌäÇÓ ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ . æáíÌÊäÈ ÇáËæã ÝÅäå íÈØá
ÎÇÕíÊå æÊÚæÏ ÎÇÕíÊå ÈÛãÓ ÇáãÛäÇØíÓ Ýí Ïã ÚäÒ ¡ æÇááå ÃÚáã .
The diagrams with the inscriptions follow. There are two
figures, on the right hand side the qibla instrument, labeled: wa-hādhihi
ṣūrat al-ḥuqq al-madhkūr (headline), al-jām
al-muṭabbaq ʿalā fam al-ḥuqq (above), dhāt
al-maḥārīb (center), al-turays (below, left side), al-ibra
(below, right side), ṣifat al-ḥuqq (right). The second
figure, on the left hand side, is the disk with the Kaaba provided with the
cardinal points, in the center the Kaaba: wa-hādhihi jadāwil maḥārīb
jumla min al-buldān bi-ḥasab istidāratihā ḥawla ʾl-Kaʿba
fī dhāt al-maḥārīb (headline, repeated under the
figure). Al-jadwal al-awwal fī ʾnḥirāf maḥārīb
al-buldān allatī ʾl-Kaʿba minhā sharqīya
janūbīya (headline of the following table).
3.2. Translation
Chapter on the Use of the Qibla Instrument (ālat al-qibla) for every locality you wish by means
of the magnet, the description of the Kaaba and a table which contains the
qiblas (inḥirāf al-qibal) for a number of localities and the
direction of the qibla in any given horizon quadrant.
Know that we have not found (a description of) the use of the
magnet by any of the early (scholars) of this
discipline, although it is well known amongst a number of more recent
(scholars), especially in our own time. Al-Marrākushī did not mention
it in his (Kitāb jāmiʿ) al-mabādiʾ wa-ʾl-ghāyāt
(fī ʿilm al-mīqāt). (The use of the magnet) belongs to
the diversions (milḥ) of this science, not to its core (matīn).
Reliance on it is dangerous, because of (the possibility) of the loss (salb)
of its sympathetic qualities and because of the
quickness with which the cone (turays) changes on which the qibla
instrument turns, owing to its considerable hesitating motion.
(Scholars) are in agreement that it does not display
hesitating motion in a glass container nor is it led (fa-lam yuqad), nor
does it do so in (a container) of [114]
silver, nor in
one of deep-red crystal (billawr
qāniʾ),[89] for (in all these
cases) it recoils (yastankir) and stops. Therefore the early scholars
neglected it, because of the two problems we have mentioned. Now let me mention
of the construction of the instrument and how one uses it to determine the
qibla according to the opinion of those more recent scholars who are concerned
with the diversions (of our science). We say, and with God is success:
The manner in which the qibla instrument is contracted is that you make a round form of paper pasted together (waraq
mutamāsik) or qarʿ[90] or the like. You divide its circumference into 360 degrees,
and you mark (the direction of) the prayer-niches of the localities you choose,
according to their qibla, distinguished by an inscription indicating the
locality. Sometimes a horizontal sundial (basīṭa) for a
specific latitude is made on some of these with a little gnomon (shakhṣ
laṭīf), appropriate to this instrument in accordance with its
size.[91] A piece of magnet is put on its side, either on the
meridian or inclined from it in the direction in which you want to perform your
religious obligations (al-jiha allatī aradta ilayhā al-taḥrima),
according to the deviation (inḥirāf)
of the magnet from the line (of midday). Two
needles (ibratayn) are put on its back in order to balance it.
Sometimes a diagram of the exalted Kaaba is made in the middle of the
instrument. This instrument is put on something like a cone of glass or brass
or other material. The smoother and freer the rotation of the instrument the
better (the material). (Then) this is put on a needle implanted in a box of
ebony or brass or other material as may be appropriate. A lid (jām)
of mirror-glass is put on the opening of the box,
through which one can see when the decorative prayer-niche stops, which is what
is intended when it is moved in the direction of the qibla (yurā
minhu wuqūfu ʾl-miḥrābi ʾl-marsūmi ʾl-maṭlūbu
ḥāla taḥrīkihi fī jihati ʾl-qibla). The less the weight of the attractive (element)
[115] of
magnetic material and the greater the weight of the prayer-niche, the higher
the quality of that particular kind of magnet. Let garlic be kept away (from
the magnet), for it neutralizes its sympathetic qualities. But these are
restored by dipping the magnet in goat’s blood.[92] And God knows best.
(The diagrams with the inscriptions follow [see fig. 2 at
the end]. There are two figures, on the right side the qibla instrument
labeled: “This is the diagram of the box mentioned” [headline], “the
corresponding lid placed above the opening of
the box” (al-jām al-muṭabbaq ʿalā fam al-ḥuqq)
[above], “the prayer-niches” [center], “the cone” [below, left], “the needle”
[below, right], “description of the box” [right]. The second figure, on the
left hand side, is the disk with the Kaaba labeled with the cardinal points, in
the center the Kaaba. The headline repeated under the picture reads: “These are
tables of prayer-niches for a collection of localities according to their place
on a circle around the Kaaba on the prayer-niche scale in this figure.” The
headline of the table that follows[93] reads: “The first table of the qiblas of the prayer-niches
of the localities for which the Kaaba is in the south-east.”)
3.3. Commentary
The “Chapter on the Use of the Qibla Instrument” includes
construction of the qibla indicator, a description of the Kaaba and a table of
the deviation of qiblas (inḥirāf al-qibal). The name used for
the instrument described (ālat al-qibla) is remarkable in
that it is not determined only by its form but by its purpose, namely, to
indicate the qibla.
[116]
The first substantive section of the
passage begins with a short general introduction on the directive power of the
magnetic stone. The statement that the use of the magnet is not known to “any
of the early (scholars) of this discipline, although it is well known amongst a
number of more recent (scholars),” agrees with our assertion that the magnet’s
directive power was unknown
in Antiquity but was known later in
the Islamic world. The author specifically
mentions al-Marrākushī, the major contemporary for astronomical
instruments, who does not mention the use of the magnetic compass in his opus
magnum.
Two flaws of the magnetic compass are described: loss of
magnetic properties and attrition of the cone (turays).[94] Because of these two flaws “the early scholars” (al-awwalūn)
did not use the magnetic compass and probably in the opinion of the “more
recent” scholars (al-mutaʾakhkhirūn) it belonged to the
diversions of the subject (milḥ). Unfortunately, neither group has
been identified. But it is remarkable that this statement refers to the earlier
knowledge of a dry compass.
The second section of the passage contains instructions for
the construction of the qibla indicator. The construction of the round plate is
more or less clear, but the materials
described as “paper pasted together” (waraq mutamāsik)
and “pumpkin” or “gourd” (qarʿ) are a problem. They should be firm
and light in weight. This is all we can say. Three further matters arise within
the next few lines. Firstly, is the piece of magnetic stone fixed upon the
round paper plate or used to magnetize the needles (ibratayn) mentioned
later? Secondly, is “the direction in which you want to perform your religious obligations
(al-jiha allatī aradta ilayhā al-taḥrima)” an unusual
way of referring to the qibla with some sort of miḥrāb
indicating the direction towards Mecca? Thirdly, does the author know of the
magnetic declination when he speaks of “the deviation of the magnet from the
line (of midday) (inḥirāf dhālik al-maghnāṭīs
ʿan al-khaṭṭ)?”[95] As mentioned above, in the commentary on al-Ashraf’s
treatise, knowing that the needle does not point to the true north-south line
is not necessarily the result of an observation of the magnetic declination.
Especially difficult to understand is the word “cone” (turays),
which is written without diacritical points in the manuscript. As yet I have
been able [117]
to find no reference for it.[96] But the author himself provides some
clues. Firstly, “reliance on it (the
compass) is dangerous, because . . . of the quickness with which the
cone (turays) changes on which the qibla instrument turns, owing to its
considerable hesitating motion.” Secondly, “this instrument is put on something
like a cone of glass or brass or other material. The smoother and freer the
rotation of the instrument the better the material.” Thus it is likely that the
cone was thought to be something like a little plate or dome fixed under the
round plate of paper in order to diminish the friction between the plate and
the needle implanted in the box. This seems to be similar to
al-Zarkhūrī’s description of a dry compass.[97] A comparison between the Arabic texts of
al-Zarkhūrī and Ibn Simʿūn could provide further information,
especially regarding vocabulary.[98]
The treatise of the Egyptian Ibn Simʿūn thus
provides the earliest evidence of a dry compass in the Islamic world. In the
headline the author uses ālat al-qibla for his instrument rather than
any of the several terms known to us from medieval Arabic sources (ḥuqq
al-qibla, ṭāsa, ḥikk, bayt al-ibra[99]). He explains the purpose of the instrument at the
beginning. Some aspects of the construction are only implicit in the text, but
the introduction and the end clearly indicate that the author is familiar with
the traditions of the magnetic stone. Apart from al-Zarkhūrī this
qibla indicator can also be compared with the ṣandūq
al-yawāqīt of Ibn al-Shāṭir, which is an astronomical
“compendium”[100] from the second half of the fourteenth century, on the
construction [118] and
use of which two manuscripts are preserved.[101] The magnetic compass fitted with the instrument is now
lost. In the two texts about the instrument the compass is called south-pointer
(murī al-janūb).[102] There are only general hints at the construction of the
compass, and these are not sufficiently detailed to make possible a comparison
with Ibn Simʿūn’s qibla indicator.
The importance of the two treatises discussed here lies in
the description of the determination of the qibla by means of the magnetic
compass. To this day al-Ashraf and Ibn Simʿūn are the earliest
textual sources we know for this religious use of the directive power of the
magnet. The Yemeni Sultan al-Ashraf, at the end of the thirteenth century,
describes a floating compass mentioned also
by other authors, but he gives detailed information on its construction
and use. His text is an integral part of an astronomical treatise, the first
reference to a floating compass in a medieval Islamic scientific treatise. The
Egyptian astronomer Ibn Simʿūn describes another kind of qibla
indicator, a dry rather than a floating compass, with specific markings. His is
the earliest known reference to this instrument in the Islamic world.
Nearly a century ago, Wiedemann, referring to ʿAwfī
and al-Zarkhūrī, stated that the Arabs were aware of magnetizing by
rubbing with a magnetic stone at the beginning of the thirteenth century, that
it was known that iron with a content of steel may be made into a permanent
magnet, that the technique was practiced in the fourteenth century, and that
the magnetic compass was in general use.
Die
mitgeteilten Stellen zeigen, daß man bei den Arabern schon am Anfang des
13. Jahrhunderts die Magnetisierung
durch Streichen kannte und daß man diese auch im 14. Jahrhundert im
Orient anwandte. Beide Stellen zeigen auch, daß bekannt
war, daß das stets etwas stahlhaltige Eisen dauernd magnetisch wurde, und
daß diese Erscheinung experimentell geprüft wurde; ferner, daß zu
dieser Zeit der Kompaß allgemeine Anwendung fand. (Wiedemann, 1907)[103]
Now we can add that the use of the
magnetic compass in the service of [119] religion is attested in two medieval Arabic treatises, and
in two different varieties: one floating, described
by a Yemeni astronomer-prince, and one dry, described by an Egyptian mosque
astronomer, both writing around 1300.
5.1. Glossary [104]
Arabic |
English |
Source |
ÃÈäæÓ ¡ ÂÈäæÓ |
ebony |
L |
ÃÝÞ |
horizon |
L |
ÅÞáíã - ÃÞÇáíã |
clime (in the sense
of classical geography), also region |
C |
ÂáÉ ÇáÞÈáÉ |
qibla instrument,
qibla indicator |
L |
ÈÓíØÉ |
horizontal sundial |
L |
ÈáæÑ ÞÇäÆ |
deep-red crystal |
L |
ÈíßÇÒ |
(geometrical)
compass |
C |
ÊÈä |
straw |
C |
ÊÑÌåÇÑ |
water-clock |
C |
ÊÑíÓ |
little shield;
cone, dome, funnel |
L |
ÌÇã |
vessel; lid |
L |
ÌÏæá - ÌÏÇæá |
table |
L, C |
ÍÌÑÉ |
outer rim of the
astrolabe |
C |
ÇäÍÑÇÝ (ÇáÞÈáÉ) |
angle between the
meridian of any localitiy and the great circle passing through this locality
and |
L, C |
ÎÇÕÉ - ÎæÇÕ |
sympathetic
qualities, virtus: describing an inexplicable force inherent in
animate and inanimate nature |
L, C |
ÎØ äÕÝ ÇáäåÇÑ ¡ ÎØ æÓØ ÇáäåÇÑ |
line of midday,
meridian |
L, C |
ÎØ æÓØ ÇáÓãÇÁ |
line of the middle
of the heaven, meridian |
C |
ÏÑÌÉ - ÏÑÌ |
degree |
L, C |
ÑÎÇãÉ |
sundial |
C |
ÒíÛ |
divergence |
C |
ÒÌÇÌ |
glass |
L |
[121] |
|
|
ÓáÇÓÉ |
tractability;
something being or becoming smooth |
L |
ãÓÇãÉ |
being opposite,
facing |
C |
ÓãÇÑÉ |
sort of blade (of
rush?) |
C |
ÔÎÕ |
gnomon |
L |
ÔãÚ |
wax; candle |
C |
ØÇÓÉ |
bowl, drinking
vessel; magnetic compass bowl |
C |
ÝÖÉ |
silver |
L, C |
ÝæáÇÐ ¡ ÈæáÇÐ |
steel, cleaned and
improved iron |
C |
ÞÇÑ ¡ ÞíÑ |
pitch, tar |
C |
ÞÈáÉ - ÞÈá |
qibla, the sacred
direction of Islam towards |
L, C |
ÞÑÚ |
pumpkin |
L |
ÞÓãÉ - ÞÓã |
part, portion |
C |
ÞÔÉ |
blade |
C |
ãÛäÇØíÓ ¡ ãÛäØíÓ ¡ ãÛäíØíÓ |
magnet, magnetic
stone; magnetism |
L, C |
ãíá |
deviation,
declination (astron.) |
C |
äÍÇÓ |
copper; brass |
L, C |
äßÈÇÁ - äßÈ |
wind, blowing from
a direction between two of the cardinal directions |
C |
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[131]
Fig. 1. Al-Ashraf’s
diagram of the compass bowl (taken from MS Cairo TR 105, fol. 145v; courtesy of
the Egyptian National Library).
[132]
Fig. 2. Ibn Simʿūn’s
qibla indicator (taken from MS Leiden Or. 468, fol. 190r; courtesy of the
Universiteitsbibliotheek).
[1] Prof. David A. King informs me that the author is
probably an Egyptian astronomer and muezzin
called Ibn Simʿūn; see further King, article “Ṭāsa”
in EI2; Suter,
“Mathematiker und Astronomen,” 1900, p. 162, no. 398; King, Survey,
1986, p. 60, no. C24; King, “On the Role of the Muezzin and the Muwaqqit,”
1996, pp. 298f. (Since the present article was completed there has appeared in
King, World-Maps, 1999, a facsimile of Ibn Simʿūn’s treatise
[p. 113] as well as fol. 145v of al-Ashraf’s treatise, with the diagram [p.
111].) The research for this article was supported by a grant from the Hans A.
Jenemann-Stiftung (Gesellschaft Deutscher Chemiker).
[2] See
Rommel, article “Magnet” in Pauly; Radl, Magnetstein
in der Antike, 1988; Balmer, Geschichte des Erdmagnetismus, 1956,
pp. 47ff.; Klaproth, Lettre, 1834, pp. 9f. Hackmann, “Stradanus,” 1994, p. 158,
mentions a section in Pliny which he interprets as a hint at the knowledge of
the directive power of the magnet.
[3] On the south-pointing chariot as a magnetic compass
see, for example, Klaproth, Lettre, 1834. Mitchell, Terrestrial
Magnetism and Atmospherical Electricity 37, 1932, pp. 105ff., gives a
survey of authors advocating this opinion. On the correction showing the
south-pointing chariot to be a mechanical device and the earliest established
proof see Hashimoto, Memoirs of the Research Department of Toyo Bunko 1,
1926; Needham, Scientia 55:7, 1961, pp. 225ff.; Needham, Science
and Civilisation, 1954–1986, 4:2, pp. 286ff. (south-pointing chariot),
3, pp. 310ff. (compass-sundials), 4:3, pp. 562ff. (use of the
magnetic compass for navigation), 4:1, pp. 229ff. (magnetism, magnetic
stones and their use).
[4] The magnetic needle is mentioned
in his De utensilibus, and further in his De naturis rerum, probably
written at the end of the twelfth century (see Sarton, Introduction,
1927–1948, 2, pp. 385f.; Mitchell, Terrestrial Magnetism and
Atmospherical Electricity 37, 1932, p. 125, and Bromehead, Terrestrial
Magnetism and Atmospherical Electricity 50, 1945, pp. 139ff.;
Schück, Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaften 13,
1914, pp. 335f., with the two short Latin texts). On Alexander Neckam see
Düchting, article “Alexander Neckam” in LexMA, who ignores the
mentioning of the magnetic needle in Neckam’s treatises.
For an
overview of the European sources on the magnetic compass see, for example,
Mitchell, Terrestrial Magnetism and Atmospherical Electricity 37, 1932,
pp. 123ff.; Schnall, article “Kompaß” in LexMA; Klaproth, Lettre,
1834, pp. 40f.
[5] On Petrus Peregrinus see Grant,
article “Peter Peregrinus” in DSB, with a detailed list of manuscripts,
editions and translations. On the Epistola de magnete see further
Balmer, Geschichte des Erdmagnetismus, 1956, pp. 243–77, and
p. 627. On the use of the magnetic compass at sea and on land see Schnall,
article “Kompaß” in LexMA; Grant, article “Peter Peregrinus” in DSB,
who assumes the use of the floating compass also for seafaring and of the dry
compass for astronomical purposes; and Taylor, Imago Mundi 8, 1951,
pp. 1f., who also distinguishes between its use in navigation and astronomy.
[6] See,
for example, the edition of Peregrinus’s text in Rara Magnetica, 1898,
pp. 36ff.; the German translation in Balmer, Geschichte des
Erdmagnetismus, 1956, pp. 271ff.,
and the English translation in Harrandon, Terrestrial Magnetism and
Atmospherical Electricity 48, 1943, pp. 3ff.; see further Schleif, Seewart
14:6, 1953, p. 25.
[7] On China see Klaproth, Lettre, 1834,
p. 93, who cited San thsaï thou hoei: “Dans
les années Yan yeou (de 1314 à 1320) on voulut orienter le monastère de Yao
mou ngan, et on s’en
[d’une figure sculptée en jade, et dont la main montrait toujours
le sud] servit pour en déterminer l’emplacement” (my additions in square brackets). Also other buildings in Peking have
probably been aligned in the meridian with a magnetic compass because they
deviate from the meridian by 2 degrees according to the magnetic declination
(see Klaproth, Lettre, 1834, p. 70). On Europe see
Nippoldt, Archiv für Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik 7,
1916, p. 110, who cited a treatise written in 1516 probably by Lorenz
Lacher, one of the masters of the “Straßburger Bauhütte”: “Item so du wildt ein Khor an das Hochwerkh anleg wo er stehn sol, der abmerckung, der sonen aufgang, so
nimb ein Khumbast, setz den auf ein winkelmaß, und laß den magnad
auf die mitdaglinie stehn, usw.”
[8] On
the earliest European compass-sundials see Zinner, Instrumente, 1956,
p. 93; Zinner, Regiomontanus,
1938, fig. 62–65; Hellmann, Meteorologische
Zeitschrift 23, 1906, pp. 145ff.; Hellmann, Meteorologische
Zeitschrift 25, 1908, p. 369, mentioning one from 1451, another
from 1463, both with a mark of the magnetic variation. King, Ciphers, section 6.3
(forthcoming) dates a medieval French compendium with a magnetic compass “to
the fourteenth century, early or late, depending on the date of the astrolabe
with ciphers” and continues: “Note the similarity of the inscriptions to those on the two Northern French astrolabes.” On
this instrument see further Maddison, Medieval Scientific
Instruments, 1969, pp. 14ff., dating it ca. 1500. A German astrolabe fitted
with a magnetic compass in the throne probably from the second half of the
fifteenth century is mentioned in King and Turner, Nuncius 9:1,
1994, pp. 190, 193, and fig. 18.
[9] In his “History of Africa and
Spain” (al-Bayān al-mughrib fī ʾkhtiṣār]
akhbār mulūk al-Andalus wa-ʾl-Maghrib), written in 712H (1312–13), Ibn ʿIdhārī
(on whom see Bosch-Vilá, article “Ibn ʿIdhārī” in EI2)
reports of a battle in the year 239H (854).
Dozy (see Dozy, Supplément, 1927,
2, pp. 337f.) found the word qaramīṭ in this
context, which he translated as “magnetic needle.” Even if we take into
consideration that Кαλαμίτα, as also in some European idioms (Italian,
Greek and others) “calamita,” means “magnetic needle” (see Klaproth, Lettre,
1834, p. 13; Heß, “Кαλαμίτης,” p. 189), this interpretation seems to be very doubtful (see Wiedemann, VdDPG 9,
1907, p. 765). It becomes apparent in the discussion on this reference
that qaramīṭ cannot be interpreted as a first hint at the
magnetic compass in Islamic sources (see Plessner, article “Baylak
al-Qibjāqī” in DSB, p. 533b; von Lippmann, QSGNM 3:1, 1932, p. 16); von Lippmann, QSGNM 3:1,
1932, p. 20, mentions a further early reference to the compass from
the twelfth century by ʿUmar al-Khayyām (on whom see
Youschkevitch and Rosenfeld, article “al-Khayyāmī” in DSB;
Minorsky, article “ʿOmar Khaiyām” in EI1), which
seems questionable to von Lippmann himself.
[10] On this author see Nizamuddin,
article “ʿAwfī” in EI2; Storey, Persian
Literature 1:2, 1953, pp. 781ff. On the passage see Wiedemann, VdDPG 9,
1907, p. 765. The confusing dates—dedicated in 625H (1228), or again,
dedicated to the wazīr of Iltutmish, Sultan of Delhi, Qiwām
al-Dīn al-Junaydī not earlier than 628H (1230–31), but on an
event in the year 630H (1232–33)—originate from the fact that the one is
taken from Nizamuddin, article “ʿAwfī” in EI2,
p. 764a, and from Storey, Persian
Literature 1:2, 1953, pp. 782f.,
while the other is from Wiedemann, VdDPG 9, 1907,
p. 765.
[11] See
Wiedemann, article “Maghnāçṭīs, 2. The Compass,” in EI1 and EI2,
p. 1169a; Wiedemann, VdDPG 9, 1907, pp. 765f.; von
Lippmann, QSGNM 3:1, 1932, p. 20.
[12] Also Kitāb Kanz
al-tujjār fī maʿrifat al-aḥjār, see Plessner,
article “Baylak al-Qibjāqī” in DSB; edition in Klaproth, Lettre,
1834, p. 59; with translation in Clément-Mullet,
Journal Asiatique (série 6) 11,
1868, p. 174; translation in de Saussure, L’origine, 1928,
pp. 80f. (reprint Ferrand); Wiedemann, “Beiträge II,” 1904, pp. 330f.; Wiedemann, VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 665. On
the contents see Ullmann, Natur- und
Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, p. 128. On its integration into
history see von Lippmann, QSGNM 3:1, 1932, pp. 17ff. On a further
reference to the Arabic sources from the mid-thirteenth century see
Mitchell, Terrestrial Magnetism and Atmospherical Electricity 37, 1932,
p. 119 and note 180, citing the Leyes de las partidas (Las siete
partidas del Sabio Rey don Alfonso el X, Madrid 1829, 1, p. 473), a
compilation of the legal knowledge of Alfonso’s time.
[13] Soucek, article “Milāḥa,
2. In the Later Medieval and Early Modern Periods,” in EI2,
p. 46a, ignores this passage when he writes: “The mariner’s compass is
first attested for 1187 [probably Alexander Neckam for the region of the
Channel]. . . . The term, of Latin derivation, only marginally
appeared in Arabic. . . . This term does not appear to have been
current in pre-modern Arabic, a symptom of how little use the instrument received
on the part of seafaring Arabs in the Mediterranean” (my addition in brackets). Mitchell, Terrestrial Magnetism and
Atmospherical Electricity 37, 1932, p. 119, takes into
consideration that “. . . it is carefully noted that he
[al-Qibjāqī] said nothing as to the
nationality of the vessel in which he sailed” (my addition in brackets).
[14] On the different nautical
traditions in the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean see Soucek, article “Milāḥa,
2. In the Later Medieval and Early Modern Periods,” in EI2,
p. 48b.
[15] On the author see Rosenthal,
article “al-Maqrīzī” in EI2. In this treatise a
floating compass similar to al-Qibjāqī’s is described. According to
Wiedemann, ZP 24, 1924,
p. 166, there are two editions: Būlāq, 1270H (on the magnetic compass 1, p. 210)
and Cairo, 1324H (on the magnetic compass 1, p. 337).
[16] On
the author see Suter, “Mathematiker und Astronomen,” 1900, p. 200, no.
511; Wiedemann, ZP 13, 1923, pp. 113f.; Brockelmann, GAL,
1943, S II, p. 485; King, Survey, 1986, p. 89,
no. C124.
This treatise
is translated in Siggel, QSGNM 8 (1941–42): pp. 435–57.
[17] On
Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad ibn Mājid, the most famous Arab navigator in the Middle Ages, see Maqbul Ahmad, article “Ibn
Mādjid” in EI2;
Tibbetts, Arab Navigation, 1971, pp. 7ff. On the use of a magnetic
compass for determining the qibla in one of his poems, see Ferrand, Instructions
nautiques, 3, 1928, pp. 209f. On the magnetic compass in his Kitāb
al-fawāʾid fī uṣūl [ʿilm] al-baḥr wa-ʾl-qawāʾid,
see Tibbetts, Arab Navigation, 1971, pp. 291ff.
[18] On Sulaymān ibn Aḥmad
al-Mahrī see Tibbetts, article “Sulaymān al-Mahrī” in EI2.
On the magnetic compass in his Kitāb sharḥ Tuḥfat
al-fuḥūl fī tamhīd al-uṣūl see
Ferrand, Instructions nautiques, 3, p. 245; see further Tibbetts, Arab
Navigation, 1981, pp. 293f.
[19] On
the author see Brockelmann, GAL, 1943, 2, p. 174; partial
translation in Wiedemann, VdDPG 9, 1907, pp. 766ff.
[20] See
Wiedemann, VdDPG 9, 1907, pp. 767ff.
[21] See
Wiedemann, VdDPG 11, 1909, pp. 264f. Unfortunately he gives—as usual in his writings—only a translation; a comparison
with the Arabic terms of Ibn Simʿūn’s treatise discussed below
would be useful and worthwhile.
[22] On the author see King, article “Ibn
al-Shāṭir” in DSB. For a
discussion of the instrument, and two medieval texts on the use of the
compendium, likewise incomplete, see Janin
and King, Journal for the History of Arabic Science 1:2, 1977. On
the magnetic compass see especially ibid. pp. 192, 195f., 204, 209, 215ff.
[23] See, for example, Dizer, Journal
for the History of Arabic Science 1, 1977, pp. 257–62, and the
literature there cited.
[24] See King, Imago Mundi 49,
1997, pp. 62–82, a summary of King, World-Maps for Finding the Direction and Distance to Mecca: Innovation and Tradition
in Islamic Science, 1999 (in press at the time of this writing).
[25] There
are, for example, a Persian prayer compass, made by one Muḥammad Ṭāhir
in Isfahan in the seventeenth century and
inscribed with qibla values of localities
as well as with instructions for its use (on the instrument see
Körber, Sonnenuhren und Kompasse, 1965, pp. 98f.; on the maker see Mayer, Islamic
Astrolabists, 1956, p. 78), and two cartographic plates, made in
Isfahan about 1700 and fitted with compass box up in the lower middle (on the
one with a now empty compass box see King, “Weltkarten,” 1992, 1, p. 170
with fig. 4 and 2, pp. 686ff.; King, “Astronomical Instruments,” 1994, p.
173 and fig. XVIa; on both see King, Imago Mundi 49, 1997,
pp. 62–82; King, World-Maps [in press at the time of this
writing]).
[26] On the use of the magnetic compass
at sea see Tibbetts, article “Milāḥa, 3. In the Indian Ocean,” in EI2,
p. 51b, mentioning a further nautical instrument, the khashaba. On the rare
appearance of the magnetic compass in navigational texts see Tibbetts, Arab
navigation, 1971, p. 290. On other nautical instruments in the Islamic
world see also Prinsep, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 5,
1836; Jomard, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie 2:10, 1838.
On the sacred direction in Islam, the qibla, see King,
article “Ḳibla, 2. Astronomical Aspects,” in EI2; King,
Interdisciplinary Science Reviews 10:4, 1985, pp. 315ff.
[27] On Sultan al-Ashraf see Varisco, Almanac,
1994, pp. 12ff., and the literature cited there; see further Suter, “Mathematiker
und Astronomen,” 1900, pp. 160f., no. 394; King, MAY, 1983,
pp. 27f.; King, ZGAIW 2, 1985, p. 100. On the Rasulids
see Smith, article “Rasūlids” in EI2, and the literature
cited there.
[28] See King, ZGAIW 2,
1985, p. 113.
[29] A
list is given in Varisco, Almanac, 1994, pp. 14ff.; see further King, MAY,
1983, pp. 27ff.
[30] See Mayer, Islamic
Astrolabists, 1956, pp. 83f. A detailed description is given in King, ZGAIW 2,
1985, pp. 99f.
[31] On astrolabes in general see
Hartner, “The Principle and Use of the Astrolabe,” 1968; North, “The Astrolabe,”
1974; Michel, Traité de l’Astrolabe, 1947; Planispheric Astrolabe, 1976. On sundials in Islamic civilization see King, article “Mizwala”
in EI2. On water-clocks see Hill, Arabic Water-Clocks,
1981; King, History of Science 15, 1977. On the magnetic compass in the
Islamic world in general see Wiedemann, article “Maghnāṭīs,
2. The Compass,” in EI1 and EI2; King,
article “Ṭāsa” in EI2.
Al-Ashraf’s
text was treated by S. Banerjee and A. I. Sabra in a paper entitled “A
Thirteenth-Century Magnetic Compass Described
by Sultan al-Ashraf of Yemen” presented at the Second International
Symposium on the History of Arabic Science, Aleppo, 1979.
The proceedings of that conference were never published and the paper
has not been published elsewhere. The authors used photos provided by Prof.
King.
[32] See
King, Catalogue, 1981–86, 1, p. 581, and 2, pp. 362ff.; King, Survey,
1986, p. 132, no. E8; with more details—with reference to the Tehran
manuscript—King, MAY, 1983, pp. 28f.; King, ZGAIW 2,
1985, pp. 101f.
[33] On the date see King, Catalogue,
1981, 1, p. 581; King, ZGAIW 2, 1985, p. 101, note 8. On
the provenance see King, ZGAIW 2, 1985, p. 107. On the copyist
see King, ZGAIW 2, 1985, p. 101.
[34] See King, Survey, 1986,
p. 132.
[35] See
King, ZGAIW 4, 1987–88, pp. 268f.; King, ZGAIW 2,
1985, p. 108; Al-ʿAzzāwī, Tārīkh ʿilm
al-falak, 1959, p. 234, mentions two manuscripts in Tehran: one in the
library of the Majlis al-Umma al-Īrānī and another in a private
library.
[36] Part 1
(hand A): pp. 1–8, part 2 (hand A): pp. 1–126,
part 3 (hand B): pp. 1–163 (see King, ZGAIW 4,
1987–88, p. 269).
[37] See King, ZGAIW 4,
1987–88, p. 268.
[38] Also manhaj, see King, ZGAIW 2,
1985, p. 108. On the contents of the manuscript see King, ZGAIW 4,
1987–8, p. 269.
[39] See King, MAY, 1983,
p. 28; King, ZGAIW 2, 1985, p. 108.
[40] Consequently,
between p. 161 and p. 162 one page of text is missing, the
pagination, however, is continuous. The question is whether the pagination is
on the microfilm or whether it has been added
later (corresponding references in King, ZGAIW 4, 1987–8,
p. 269).
[41] See
Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, 1893, pp. 240f.
[42] See Wiedemann, VdDPG 19–20,
1919, p. 666. It is also mentioned in Wiedemann, article “Maghnāṭīs,
2. The Compass,” in EI1 and EI2.
[43] Al-Ashraf describes both the
making of the compass bowl and its use using the term ṭāsa for a (drinking) bowl (of metal) (see Lane, Lexicon,
1863–1893, 5, p. 1890, sub ṭ-w-s), which is to
translate—as the manuscript shows—as a pars pro toto with “magnetic
compass.”
[44] The Arabic Dhikr risālat
al-ṭāsa fī maʿrifat al-qibla, at first sight rather
awkward, is probably best rendered in this way. The use of the word risāla
apparently corresponds to the use of the word bāb for “method” in
scientific Arabic (see King, ZGAIW 3, 1986, p. 103).
[45] The order of C here seems to be
required by the sajʿ. T1 and T2 have the
normal order the Merciful and Compassionate.
[46] Bayt al-ibra is one of
the terms for the magnetic compass in medieval Arabic sources (see, for
example, Wiedemann, article “Maghnāṭīs, 2. The
Compass,” in EI1 and EI2,
p. 1169a).
[47] See
Wiedemann and Frank, Zeitschrift für Instrumentenkunde 41, 1921,
p. 226; Kunitzsch, “Glossar,” 1982, pp.
523f.: “Die Vokalisierung des arabischen Wortes ist unsicher. In der hier eigentlich anzunehmenden
Bedeutung ‘Rand’ (Zaun, Einfriedung) wäre al-ḥajra
(mit a) zu vokalisieren. . . . Sehr viel öfter haben
die Hss. (und Drucke) dagegen die Vokalisierung mit u: al-ḥujra . . . ;
al-ḥujra bedeutet jedoch eigentlich ein abgegrenztes Feld oder einen
geschlossenen Raum (modern: ‘Zimmer’),
und würde demnach eher auf die von dem Außenrand umschlossene
Innenfläche bzw. den Innenraum als auf diesen wulstigen Außenrand
selbst zielen.”; Hartner, “The
Principle and Use of the Astrolabe,” 1968, p. 293,
vocalizes ḥajra: “The front [of the
astrolabe] consists of a circular outer rim (Arabic: ḥajra,
meaning ‘side,’ or ṭawq,
meaning ‘ring,’ or kiffa,
meaning ‘curve’; Latin: limbus
or margo).”
[48] Qār was used to seal
up vessels and wine tubes and also to rub camels having the mange (see Lane, Lexicon,
1863–1893, 7, p. 2557, sub q-y-r and 7, p. 2621, sub k-f-r;
shamaʿ describes also wax candles. Ullmann, Natur- und
Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, p. 127, mentions that
al-Qazwīnī in his cosmography attaches tar to a group of “viscous
substances,” and so does Ḥamd Allāh Mustawfī (see Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, p. 131). Tar or pitch is mentioned in
several stone books (see Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, 1972,
pp. 95ff.).
[49] The
translation of B in Wiedemann, VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 666,
begins at this point.
[50] Wiedemann,
VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 666, translates: “Der beste ist der Löwe und der mit glänzendem Auge (baṣāṣ).”
[51] See
Ullmann, article “Khāṣṣa” in EI2;
Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, pp. 393ff. Magnetite (Fe3O4)
is a black, metallic bright, non-transparent,
cubic mineral. Larger pieces are natural magnets. Wiedemann, “Beiträge II,”
1904, p. 328, mentions a passage in al-Tifāshī also describing
the magnetic stone as a black stone.
[52] Wiedemann, VdDPG 19–20,
1919, p. 666, does not translate samāra, whereas in his “Beiträge II,”
1904, p. 330, he uses “Binse,” i.e. “rush”; Dozy, Supplément, 1927,
1, p. 682, sub samār, simār or sumār
mentions several sorts of rush.
[53] Wiedemann,
VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 666, reads ḥaṣīr,
and freely translates “Binse,”
i.e., “rush.”
[54] Wiedemann,
VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 666, translates: “Es ist in Bezug hierauf nicht abzusehen, wie ihr (der Nadel) Ende der
Linie des Nordens oder der Richtung nach Süden gegenüberliegt, wenn nicht eines
ihrer Enden eine solche Veränderung erfahren
hat, daß es nicht (auch) nach dem Norden oder nicht (auch) nach dem
Süden hinstrebt.” And he comments: “Der
Verfasser meint, daß, wenn beide Seiten beim Reiben so verändert
wären, daß sie dem Norden bzw. dem Süden zustrebten, eine
Einstellung in die Nord-Süd-Richtung nicht eintreten würde; es mußte also
das nicht geriebene Ende eine solche
Veränderung erfahren haben, daß
dies nicht geschieht.” Cf.
below in the commentary, pp. 104–5.
[55] The translation of B in Wiedemann,
VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 666, ends here.
[56] See Koran 20:113 [114].
[57] See
Sellheim, article “Kitāb” in EI2,
p. 207b. In Welch, article “al-Ḳurʾān,”
4.c. The Basmala, in EI2, as well as in Gardet, article “Asmāʾ”
in EI2, we only find the
first arrangement of the adjectives (al-raḥmān al-raḥīm),
not the other way round, as is found in
C, perhaps transposed by reason of the rhyme. To the ninety-nine most Beautiful
Names of God belongs also al-wahhāb, the constant Giver, but not al-wāhib
(see Gardet, article “Asmāʾ” in EI2, further
Flügel, Concordantiae, 1898, p. 216).
[58] So
Brice, Journal of Semitic Studies 29, 1984, pp. 169ff., quoting an unpublished
text of Banerjee and Sabra.
[59] The floating compass described by
Petrus Peregrinus is fitted with a device like an alidade for taking magnetic
bearings, but there is a little floating box supporting the alidade (see, for
example, Rara Magnetica, 1898, pp. 36ff. (with figure); Grant,
article “Petrus Peregrinus” in DSB, p. 536b).
[60] Kitāb fī ʾstīʿāb
al-wujūh (al-mumkina) fī ṣanʿat al-aṣṭurlāb;
partly translated and commented in Wiedemann and Frank, “Beiträge LXI,”
1920–21, p. 97–121. On al-Bīrūnī, the greatest scientist of
the Middle Ages, see Boilot, article “al-Bīrūnī” in EI2;
Kennedy, article “al-Bīrūnī” in DSB. On this
passage see Wiedemann and Frank, Zeitschrift für Instrumentenkunde 41,
1921, pp. 225–36.
[61] On
iron and steel production in general see Ruska, article “Ḥadīd” in EI1 and EI2, also al-Hassan and
Hill, article “Maʿdin” in EI2; Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften,
1972, p. 114. On
the magnetic properties of steel needles see Dietrich, article “Maghnāṭīs”
in EI2, p. 1167a; Wiedemann, “Beiträge II,”
1904, pp. 329f.; Wiedemann, VdDPG 11, 1909, pp. 262f. On the
arguments against steel needles see Gerland, VdDPG 10, 1908,
p. 384; Gerland, Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaften 6, 1907, pp. 15f. (in his opinion there
were iron needles with a small content of steel), and on the arguments in favor
of steel needles see Wiedemann, VdDPG 9, 1907, pp. 769f.;
Wiedemann, VdDPG 11, 1909, pp. 265f.; Wiedemann, “Beiträge XXV,”
1911, p. 130. On experiments with steel nails similar to needles used by
the Muslims see Wiedemann, VdDPG 11, 1909.
[62] On the knowledge of magnets and
magnetism in the Islamic world in general see Dietrich, article “Maghnāṭīs,”
1. The Magnetite and Magnetism, in EI2,
mentioning numerous legends on the magnet and its attractive power; Wiedemann,
“Beiträge II,” 1904, pp. 322f.; Ullmann, Natur- und
Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, pp. 396f. See further Wiedemann,
ZP 3, 1920, p. 141, note 1: “Mit
der Wirkung des Magneten auf das Eisen und umgekehrt haben sich die
muslimischen Gelehrten vielfach beschäftigt. Sie verglichen häufig
dabei deren Anziehung mit derjenigen zwischen
dem Liebenden und der Geliebten, ähnlich wie dies auch bei der Anziehung des geriebenen Bernsteins auf das
Stroh geschah.”
[63] Al-Ashraf could not say whether
the needle would point south or north because he did not know in advance if the
sharp or the blunt end would be aligned opposite the north. Mitchell, Terrestrial
Magnetism and Atmospherical Electricity 37, 1932, p. 121, refers to the north-pointing needle rather in the manner of
a European compass, to the south-pointing needle rather in the Chinese
manner. On this topic in Europe see, for example, Taylor, Imago Mundi 8,
1951, pp. 1f.
[64] See Wiedemann, VdDPG 19–20,
1919, p. 666.
[65] A
statement on the magnetic variation in the Yemen during the late thirteenth century
is as yet impossible. In van Bemmelen, Isogonen, 1893, the variation charts
begin only in 1540. In van Bemmelen, Abweichung, 1899, the earliest
values collected go back to the second half
of the fifteenth century, and a magnetic variation for Aden in 1610 is given as
12°40’ W (p. 76). Dizer, Journal for the History of Arabic Sciences 1, 1977, p. 260, starts his values for
Istanbul in 1500. Harrandon, Terrestrial Magnetism and Atmospherical
Electricity 50, 1945, p. 68—quoting
Simon Stevinus’s Portuum investigandorum ratio—specifies values for
around 1600. Finsch, Geschichte der Magnetnadel, 1879 gives only values
for the nineteenth century. The Egyptian
astronomer ʿIzz al-Dīn al-Wafāʾī (on whom see Suter, “Mathematiker und
Astronomen,” 1900, p. 177, no. 437; King, Survey, 1986,
pp. 70ff., no. C61) determines a value for the magnetic variation for
the first time in the Islamic world in the fifteenth century (Dizer, Journal
for the History of Arabic Sciences 1, 1977, p. 260, gives
al-Wafāʾī’s value as 7 degrees east of north; see further Janin
and King, Journal for the History of Arabic Sciences 1:2, 1977,
p. 204, note 6; King, “L’astronomie,” 1994, p. 389).
[66] Using an “Indian Circle,” for
example, the meridian is easy to determine. Cf., for example, the description in Wiedemann, Mitteilungen
zur Geschichte der Medizin und Naturwissenschaften 10,
1912, pp. 252f., based on a passage in the Tafhīm of
al-Bīrūnī (trans. Wright
with facsimile, London 1934), or the geometrical solution given by the same
author (see Kennedy, Mathematics Teacher 56, 1963, and the
literature there cited.).
[67] On Europe see Mitchell, Terrestrial
Magnetism and Atmospherical Electricity 42, 1937, p. 241: “For at
least three hundred years before Gilbert’s time, it had been noticed that the suspended magnet did not, always
and everywhere, point to the exact geographical north. At first, this
was explained as being due to the lodestone, by
which the compass-needle was magnetised, having different properties in
different parts; later on, it was attributed to imperfections in the method of
magnetising the needle, or to errors in the observation of its direction
relative to the geographical meridian.”
[68] See further Wiedemann, VdDPG 19–20, 1919, p. 666, note 4: “Ich
glaube kaum, daß hier
eine Beobachtung der Deklination vorliegt, sondern daß nur der Meinung
Ausdruck gegeben wird, daß die Einstellung nicht ganz genau ist.”
[69] In the text al-Ashraf gives the
deviation of the qibla for Aden, Taʿizz and Zabīd as 27 degrees. On the problems relating to the
qibla in this treatise see, further, King, ZGAIW 3, 1986,
pp. 131f.
[70] See Lane, Lexicon, 1863–1893,
8, p. 2845, sub n-k-b.
[71] In
the anwāʾ traditions,
the compass rose could be based on four cardinal winds (see Forcada, article “Rīḥ” in EI2;
on the anwāʾ traditions in
general see Pellat, article “Anwāʾ” in EI2).
[72] See
King, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 385, 1982,
p. 307, fig. 2; King, Journal of the American Oriental Society 104:1,
1984, p. 119, and p. 120, fig. 7.
[73] See,
for example, de Saussure, Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles 5,
1923, especially p. 91 (reprint Ferrand). But al-Ashraf does not mention a compass card in his treatise. See further King, Annals
of the New York Academy of Sciences 385, 1982,
p. 309, relating to the root of qabūl, one of the four
cardinal winds from the direction of the summer solstice, and to that of qibla,
the direction towards Mecca.
[74] See King, Survey, 1986,
p. 192, no. Z25; King, ZGAIW 3, 1986, pp. 130f.: the
first reference is to be found in a text preserved in MS Paris B.N.
ar. 2506, fols. 42r–42v; the second reference purports to present the
table itself, but a blank page (fol. 189v) follows.
[75] See King, ZGAIW 3,
1986, pp. 118ff.
[76] These
cities are listed in a geographical table in the last part of the treatise.
After Mecca, Aden, Sanʿāʾ, Taʿizz, and Zabīd follow
another 40 cities. On this manuscript,
Bodleian Huntington 233 (Uri 905), and its contents, see Suter,
“Mathematiker und Astronomen,” 1900, p. 161, no. 394; King, MAY,
1983, p. 28; Varisco, Manuscripts of the Middle East 4, 1989,
p. 152; Varisco, Almanac, 1994, especially pp. 16ff. On the
geographical coordinates see King, ZGAIW 3, 1986, p. 132.
[77] The
two values for the longitude of Mecca are based on a note in the manuscript
inserted after the first value saying that several manuscripts have the more
correct value 60 degrees (see, further, King, ZGAIW 3, 1986,
p. 132).
[78] For
an overview of early methods and tables for finding the direction to
Mecca, see King, ZGAIW 3, 1986, pp. 82ff.
[79] Labels are marked as qiblat Taʿizz
and qiblat ʿAdan.
[80] The modern formula is
q
= arccot
with
q: deviation (inḥirāf), ϕ: latitude, ϕM: latitude of
[81] On
the first approximative value see the table in King, ZGAIW 3, 1986,
pp. 108f., and on the second, the table pp. 120f. Values with
fractions of degrees are calculated by linear interpolation, for ΔL=0 is assumed q=0.
[82] C, fol. 143r.
[83] C,
fol. 143r, writes “latitude” for the middle of the Yemen instead of “longitude,”
as do T1, p. 158, and T2, p. 2.
[84] These
are exactly the coordinates underlying al-Fārisī’s tables in his Zīj al-Muẓaffarī
(see Lee, Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society 1, 1822, p. 260).
There are further relations between al-Fārisī and al-Ashraf.
Al-Fārisī was an astronomer at the Rasulid court and dedicated his zīj
to al-Ashraf’s father, the sultan al-Muẓaffar; and in al-Ashraf’s
astrological compendium al-Tabṣira fī ʿilm al-nujūm
there are correspondences to al-Fārisī’s folk astronomical treatise Tuḥfat
al-rāghib wa-turfat al-ṭālib fī taysīr al-nayyirayn
wa-ḥarakāt al-kawākib, for example, the very similar qibla
schemes. See, in general, King, MAY, 1983, p. 23. On the author see especially Brockelmann, GAL, 1943, 2,
p. 474, and S, 1, p. 866f.; Suter, “Mathematiker
und Astronomen,” 1900, p. 218, note 72, and “Nachträge,” p. 175,
no. 349 On the Zīj al-Muẓaffarī see Kennedy, Survey,
1956, p. 132, no. 54; Lee, Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical
Society 1, 1822, pp. 249ff.; Ḥibshī, Maṣādir,
n.d., p. 483; on the Tuḥfa see Hawkins and King, Journal for
the History of Astronomy 13, 1982, pp. 102ff.; on the manuscript [Milan,
Ambrosiana X 73 sup.] see Löfgren and Traini, Catalogue, 1975,
p. 142, no. CCLXX A; on the qibla scheme see King, article “Makka, 4. As the
Centre of the World,” in EI2, p. 183b and fig. 4.
See
further King, ZGAIW 3, 1986, pp. 131f.: “Al-Ashraf himself in
the treatise on the compass states that the qibla for the central Yemen (Aden
and Taiz) is 27 degrees east of north, without giving any details about the
geographical coordinates with which this value was derived, but implying that
it was taken from a jadwal ʿishrīnī. However, some notes
at the end of this treatise (fol. 143r) state that the qibla is 27° ‘and a
fraction’ east of north, and that this value is for the Yemen with L=63;30° and
Mecca with L=60;0°. Now, if we assume that ϕ =14;30°, which is one of the values
used by al-Ashraf for the Yemen, and enter in the table with arguments Δϕ =6;30° and ΔL=3;30°, then using
linear interpolation between the values: we obtain q=26;54.”
[85] See King, “L’astronomie,” 1994,
p. 389; King, ZGAIW 2, 1985, p. 112; King, MAY,
1983, p. 29.
[86] On the author see King, article “al-Marrākushī” in EI2. Al-Marrākushī’s
compendium of spherical astronomy and astronomical instruments Kitāb
Jāmiʿ al-mabādiʾ wa-ʾl-ghāyāt
fī ʿilm al-mīqāt
was edited by father and son Sédillot (Sédillot, Traité des instruments
astronomiques, 1834–35, contains the first part on spherical astronomy and
sundials; Sédillot, “Mémoire sur les instruments,” 1844, summarizes the second
part on astronomical instruments).
[87] On zījes see in general
Kennedy, Survey, 1956. On the Muṣṭalaḥ zīj, see
idem, p. 131, no. 47; King, Isis 74, 1983, pp. 535f.
[88] See Voorhoeve, Handlist,
1957, p. 153, who gives 282 folios; King, ZGAIW 3, 1986,
p. 131.
[89] On rock crystal see Ruska
[C. J. Lamm], article “Billawr” in EI2; see further Wiedemann, “Mineralogie,” 1927, p. 53, mentioning
the construction of glass (zujāj) and rock crystal (billawr)
vessels.
[90] The material first mentioned in
the manuscript is a sort of pasteboard; qarʿ properly means “pumpkin”
(see Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, pp. 264f.,
translating with “Cucurbit [i.e. pumpkin]; flask”). This material is indeed
connected with the making of a floating compass (in al-Zarkhūrī’s
treatise); probably it is a sort of wood.
[91] This device reminds one of the
European compass-sundials (see, for example, Zinner, Instrumente, 1956,
1, pp. 92f.; Körber, Sonnenuhren und Kompasse, 1965, pp. 14ff.; Chandler, Metropolitan Museum
Journal 2, 1969; Bobinger, Alt-Augsburger
Kompaßmacher, 1966, pp. 26ff.).
[92] This topic appears frequently in
antique and medieval Arabic and Latin sources (see
Ullmann, Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften, 1972, p. 398, referring,
for example, to Demokritos, ʿAlī ibn Rabbān, Jābir
and al-Bīrūnī). Dietrich, article “Maghnāṭīs,
1. The Magnetite and Magnetism,” in EI2—giving the
Arabic sources (among others al-Qazwīnī and al-Dimashqī)—mentions
among the substances that diminish the power of the magnet the spittle of a
fasting man and onions, and among those that enhance it the blood of a
freshly-slaughtered he-goat. The dipping in goat’s blood is also found in al-Ḥusnī
(see Siggel, QSGNM 8, 1941–42, p. 443; Wiedemann, ZP 13,
1923, p. 114). For Europe Balmer, Geschichte des Erdmagnetismus,
1956, p. 44, mentions among others Marbodaeus Gallus referring to the
enhancing effect of the he-goat’s blood on a magnet’s power, and Albertus
Magnus, Matthiolus and Georg Agricola citing the vitiating effect of garlic.
[93] A
table with qibla values follows on the next two pages. It is merely a list of
names of localities and the associated qibla values; the geographical
coordinates are missing.
[94] See below on this page and the
following, and note 96, on the possible meaning of the word turays.
[95] No
statement is yet possible on the magnetic variation in Egypt during the middle of the fourteenth century. See further
above, note 65, where some early values with references are given.
[96] My reading turays, the
diminutive of turs, is based on Wiedemann, Nova acta 100:5, 1915,
p. 211, who interprets turs as a part of a clock—also an instrument.
Ibn Mājid in any case renders this part of the magnetic compass by qubba,
or “dome” (see Tibbetts, Arab Navigation,
1971, p. 293). In another passage Ibn Mājid describes the use of the lodestone over the
compass-box by tartīb al-maghnāṭīs ʿalā ʾl-ḥuqqa
(see Tibbetts, Arab Navigation, 1971, p. 292)—in Arabic the
orthography of the word tartīb is rather similar to turays.
[97] On
al-Zarkhūrī see above. Wiedemann renders this cone in his article on
al-Zarkhūrī’s text with “Trichter,” or “funnel.”
[98] A further problem is that the text
does not explicitly mention a marking outside the round form, for example, on
the box to orientate the magnetic needle correctly (observation for which I am
indebted to Dr. Helga Dittberner, Frankfurt).
[99] See further Wiedemann, article “Maghnāṭīs,
2. The Compass,” in EI1 and EI2,
p. 1169a. The passages, given only in translation, are not reproduced (for
example, Wiedemann, VdDPG 9, 1907, p. 766, renders the term
for the vessel used by ʿAwfī with the German word “Teller,” or “plate”).
[100] On Ibn al-Shāṭir and
his instrument, see above.
[101] MS
Berlin Ahlwardt 5845, fols. 1r–2v and 4r–7r (according to Janin and King, Journal
for the History of Arabic Science 2:1, 1977, pp. 191, 196).
[102] On murī al-janūb,
also mūrī al-janūb see Janin and King, Journal for the
History of Arabic Science 2:1, 1977, p. 195, in the appendix
pp. 243, 247; on the construction pp. 192, 204; on the use
pp. 195f., 204, 209.
[103] Wiedemann, VdDPG 9,
1907, p. 773.
[104] There is no vocalization in the
texts.